% This bibliography accompanies the following: 
% Wellhausen, Rachel L. Forthcoming (2020). “Foreign Direct Investment (FDI.)” In The Oxford Handbook of International Political Economy. Editors: Jon Pevehouse and Leonard Seabrooke.

% Description: This bibliography contains 719 references. It is drawn a large-scale review of FDI-relevant literature in major journals and at major presses over the period 2013 through 2019 (information as of Feb 2020). The journals reviewed include: American Journal of Political Science, American Political Science Review, British Journal of Political Science, Business and Politics, Comparative Political Studies, Economics and Politics, European Journal of International Relations, International Interactions, International Organization, International Studies Quarterly, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Journal of International Business Studies, Journal of Politics, Quarterly Journal of Political Science, Review of International Organizations, Review of International Political Economy, World Development, and World Politics. The presses reviewed include: Cambridge University Press, Oxford University Press, Princeton University Press, Stanford University Press, Springer, University of Michigan Press, and University of Pennsylvania Press.The bibliography deliberately minimizes references to works outside this scope.

% Formatting: This bibliography was created in Mendeley. This file is formatted for import into BibTex.

% Contact information: Rachel Wellhausen (www.rwellhausen.com). 

% Acknowledgements: Sincere thanks go to Hillary Corwin, Calvin Thrall, and undergraduate research assistants at UT Austin’s Innovations for Peace and Development research lab: Woong An, Blake Beatty, Nick Brouwer, Brian Folkers, Nicholas Hoffman, Ivana Jelenszky, Sarah Kerr, Avery Leake, Kushboo Panjwani, Shristi Singh, and Jade Tucker. 

%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%

@book{Elsig2017,
abstract = {The World Trade Organization (WTO) recently celebrated twenty years of existence. The general wisdom is that its dispute settlement institutions work well and its negotiation machinery goes through a phase of prolonged crises. Assessing the World Trade Organization overcomes this myopic view and takes stock of the WTO's achievements whilst going beyond existing disciplinary narratives. With chapters written by scholars who have closely observed the development of the WTO in recent years, this book presents the state of the art in thinking about WTO performance. It also considers important issues such as the origins of the multilateral system, the accession process and the WTO's interaction with other international organisations. The contributions shed new light on untold stories, critically review and present existing scholarship, and sketch new research avenues for a future generation of trade scholars. This book will appeal to a wide audience that aims to better understand the drivers and obstacles of WTO performance.},
address = {Cambridge},
doi = {10.1017/9781108147644},
editor = {Elsig, Manfred and Hoekman, Bernard and Pauwelyn, Joost},
isbn = {9781108147644},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Assessing The World Trade Organization}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781108147644},
year = {2017}
}
@book{stephan2013technological,
abstract = {Foreign direct investment (FDI) assumed a prominent role in Central East Europe (CEE) early on in the transition process. Foreign investors were assigned the task of restructuring markets, providing capital and knowledge for investment in technologically outdated and financially ailing firms.},
author = {Stephan, Johannes},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{The technological role of inward foreign direct investment in Central East Europe}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Post2014,
abstract = {Political economy scholarship suggests that private sector investment, and thus economic growth, is more likely to occur when formal institutions allow states to provide investors with credible commitments to protect property rights. This book argues that this maxim does not hold for infrastructure privatization programs. Rather, differences in firm organizational structure better explain in the viability of privatization contracts in weak institutional environments. Domestic investors - or, if contracts are granted subnationally, domestic investors with diverse holdings in their contract jurisdiction - work most effectively in the volatile economic and political environments of the developing world. They are able to negotiate mutually beneficial adaptations to their contracts with host governments because cross-sector diversification provides them with informal contractual supports. The book finds strong empirical support for this argument through an analysis of fourteen water and sanitation privatization contracts in Argentina and a statistical analysis of sector trends in developing countries.},
address = {New York},
author = {Post, Alison E.},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781107256569},
isbn = {9781107256569},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Foreign and Domestic Investment in Argentina}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781107256569},
year = {2014}
}
@article{menesescorporate,
abstract = {Cathrin Huber investigates the reputation of multinational corporations and provides novel insights and important implications for researchers and managers based on theoretical considerations and empirical analyses. She shows that country-specific factors like cultural or political factors, but also institutional differences between countries as well as firm-specific resources in a country influence the corporate reputation-consumer behavior relationship. Additionally, an overview of the main cultural approaches and how they influence consumers' corporate reputation perceptions is given.},
author = {Meneses, Natalia Agudelo and Parente-Laverde, Ana Mar$\backslash$'$\backslash$ia},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {Wiley Online Library},
title = {{The Corporate Reputation of Multinational Corporations: An Analysis of Consumers' Perceptions of Corporate Reputation and Its Effects Across Nations}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Halabi2018,
abstract = {In economic sectors crucial to human welfare - agriculture, education, and medicine - a small number of firms control global markets, primarily by enforcing intellectual property (IP) rights incorporated into trade agreements made in the 1980s onward. Such rights include patents on seeds and medicines, copyrights for educational texts, and trademarks in consumer products. According to conventional wisdom, these agreements likewise ended hopes for a 'New International Economic Order,' under which wealth would be redistributed from rich countries to poor. Sam F. Halabi turns this conventional wisdom on its head by demonstrating that the New International Economic Order never faded, but rather was redirected by other treaties, formed outside the nominally economic sphere, that protected poor countries' interests in education, health, and nutrition and resulted in redistribution and regulation. This illuminating work should be read by anyone seeking a nuanced view of how IP is shaping the global knowledge economy.},
author = {Halabi, Sam F.},
doi = {10.1017/9781316823088},
isbn = {9781316823088},
month = {apr},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Intellectual Property and the New International Economic Order}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781316823088/type/book},
year = {2018}
}
@book{pei2015china,
abstract = {This book outlines China's current overseas investment promotion system, analyzing the general situation and the main problems arising during its development. Based on investigations of both the historical and present-day contexts of outbound investment, the book suggests improvements to overseas investment promotion to protect China's enterprises from various aspects of the system including legal, regulatory, fiscal, intellectual property rights and standardization, risk prevention, foreign trade and economic cooperation zones to promote overseas securities investment promotion and social services.},
author = {Pei, Changhong and Zheng, Wen},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{China's outbound foreign direct investment promotion system}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{franck2019arbitration,
abstract = {Investment treaty arbitration (sometimes called investor-state dispute settlement or ISDS) has become a flashpoint in the backlash against globalization, with costs becoming an area of core scrutiny. Yet "conventional wisdom" about costs is not necessarily wise. To separate fact from fiction, this book tests claims about investment arbitration and fiscal costs against data so that policy reforms can be informed by scientific evidence. The exercise is critical, as investment treaties grant international arbitrators the power to order states-both rich and poor-to pay potentially millions of dollars to foreign investors when states violate the international law commitments made in the treaties. Meanwhile, the cost to access and defend the arbitration can also climb to millions of dollars.

This book uses insights drawn from cognitive psychology and hard data to explore the reality of investment treaty arbitration, identify core demographics and basic information on outcomes, and drill down on the costs of parties' counsel and arbitral tribunals. It offers a nuanced analysis of how and when cost-shifting occurs, parses tribunals' rationalization (or lack thereof) of cost assessments, and models the variables most likely to predict costs, using data to point the way towards evidence-based normative reform. With an intelligent interdisciplinary approach that speaks to ongoing reform at entities like the World Bank's ICSID and UNCITRAL, this book provides the most up-to-date study of investment treaty dispute settlement, offering new insights that will shape the direction of investment treaty and arbitration reform more broadly.},
author = {Franck, Susan D},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Arbitration Costs: Myths and Realities in Investment Treaty Arbitration}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{rose2018market,
abstract = {Although most Americans attribute shifting practices in the financial industry to the invisible hand of the market, Mark H. Rose reveals the degree to which presidents, legislators, regulators, and even bankers themselves have long taken an active interest in regulating the industry. In 1971, members of Richard Nixon's Commission on Financial Structure and Regulation described the banks they sought to create as "supermarkets." Analogous to the twentieth-century model of a store at which Americans could buy everything from soft drinks to fresh produce, supermarket banks would accept deposits, make loans, sell insurance, guide mergers and acquisitions, and underwrite stock and bond issues. The supermarket bank presented a radical departure from the financial industry as it stood, composed as it was of local savings and loans, commercial banks, investment banks, mutual funds, and insurance firms. Over the next four decades, through a process Rose describes as "grinding politics," supermarket banks became the guiding model of the financial industry. As the banking industry consolidated, it grew too large while remaining too fragmented and unwieldy for politicians to regulate and for regulators to understand—until, in 2008, those supermarket banks, such as Citigroup, needed federal help to survive and prosper once again. Rose explains the history of the financial industry as a story of individuals—some well-known, like Presidents Kennedy, Carter, Reagan, and Clinton; Treasury Secretaries Donald Regan and Timothy Geithner; and JP Morgan CEO Jamie Dimon; and some less so, though equally influential, such as Kennedy's Comptroller of the Currency James J. Saxon, Citicorp CEO Walter Wriston, and Bank of America CEOs Hugh McColl and Kenneth Lewis. Rose traces the evolution of supermarket banks from the early days of the Kennedy administration, through the financial crisis of 2008, and up to the Trump administration's attempts to modify bank rules. Deeply researched and accessibly written, Market Rules demystifies the major trends in the banking industry and brings financial policy to life.},
author = {Rose, Mark H},
keywords = {Domestic firms},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{Market Rules: Bankers, Presidents, and the Origins of the Great Recession}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Ho2018,
abstract = {There is a wealth of material that shapes the law of State responsibility for breaches of investment contracts. First impressions of an unsettled or uncertain law have thus far gone unchallenged. But unchallenged first impressions point to the need for a detailed study that investigates and analyses the sources, the content, the characteristics, and the evolution of this law. The argument at the heart of this monograph is that the law of state responsibility for breaches of investment contracts has carved a unique and distinct trajectory from the traditional route for the creation of international law, developing principally from arbitral awards, and mimicking, to a considerable extent, the general international law on the protection of aliens and alien property. This book unveils the remarkable journey of the law of state responsibility for breaches of investment contracts, from its origins, to its formation, to its arrival at the cusp of maturity.},
author = {Ho, Jean},
doi = {10.1017/9781108235297},
isbn = {9781108235297},
month = {oct},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{State Responsibility for Breaches of Investment Contracts}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108235297/type/book},
year = {2018}
}
@book{zhang2018intellectual,
abstract = {Over the past three decades, China has transformed itself from a stagnant, inward, centrally planned economy into an animated, outward-looking, decentralized market economy. Its rapid growth and trade surpluses have caused uneasiness in Western governments, which perceive this growth to be a result of China's rejection of international protocols that protect intellectual property and its widespread theft and replication of Western technology and products. China's major trading partners, particularly the United States, persistently criticize China for delivering, at best, half-hearted enforcement of intellectual property rights (IPR) norms. Despite these criticisms, Zhenqing Zhang argues that China does respect international intellectual property rights, but only in certain cases. In Intellectual Property Rights in China, Zhang addresses the variation in the effectiveness of China's IPR policy and explains the mechanisms for the uneven compliance with global IPR norms. Covering the areas of patent, copyright, and trademark, Zhang chronicles how Chinese IPR policy has evolved within the legacy of a planned economy and an immature market mechanism. In this environment, compliance with IPR norms is the result of balancing two factors: the need for short-term economic gains that depend on violating others' IPR and the aspirations for long-term sustained growth that requires respecting others' IPR. In case studies grounded in theoretical analysis as well as interviews and fieldwork, Zhang demonstrates how advocates for IPR, typically cutting-edge Chinese companies and foreign IPR holders, can be strong enough to persuade government officials to comply with IPR norms to achieve the country's long-term economic development goals. Conversely, he reveals the ways in which local governments protect IPR infringers because of their own political interests in raising tax revenues and creating jobs.},
author = {Zhang, Zhenqing},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{Intellectual Property Rights in China}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{nugent2019encrypted,
abstract = {What happens when a seemingly rational state becomes paranoid and delusional? The Encrypted State engages in a close analysis of political disorder to shed new light on the concept of political stability. The book focuses on a crisis of rule in mid-20th-century Peru, a period when officials believed they had lost the ability to govern and communicated in secret code to protect themselves from imaginary subversives. The Encrypted State engages the notion of sacropolitics—the politics of mass group sacrifice—to make sense of state delusion. Nugent interrogates the forces that variously enable or disable organized political subjection, and the role of state structures in this process. Investigating the role of everyday cultural practices and how affect and imagination structure political affairs, Nugent provides a greater understanding of the conditions of state formation, and failure.},
author = {Nugent, David},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{The Encrypted State: Delusion and Displacement in the Peruvian Andes}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{safieddine2019banking,
abstract = {In 1943, Lebanon gained its formal political independence from France; only after two more decades did the country finally establish a national central bank. Inaugurated on April 1, 1964, the Banque du Liban (BDL) was billed by Lebanese authorities as the nation's primary symbol of economic sovereignty and as the last step towards full independence. In the local press, it was described as a means of projecting state power and enhancing national pride. Yet the history of its founding—stretching from its Ottoman origins in mid-nineteenth century up until the mid-twentieth—tells a different, more complex story. Banking on the State reveals how the financial foundations of Lebanon were shaped by the history of the standardization of economic practices and financial regimes within the decolonizing world. The system of central banking that emerged was the product of a complex interaction of war, economic policies, international financial regimes, post-colonial state-building, global currents of technocratic knowledge, and private business interests. It served rather than challenged the interests of an oligarchy of local bankers. As Hicham Safieddine shows, the set of arrangements that governed the central bank thus was dictated by dynamics of political power and financial profit more than market forces, national interest or economic sovereignty.},
author = {Safieddine, Hicham},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Banking on the State: The Financial Foundations of Lebanon}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Dumberry2016,
abstract = {Rules of customary international law provide basic legal protections to foreign investors doing business abroad. These rules remain of fundamental importance today despite the growing number of investment treaties containing substantive investment protection. In this book, Patrick Dumberry provides a comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon of custom in the field of international investment law. He analyses two fundamental questions: how customary rules are created in this field and how they can be identified. The book examines the types of manifestation of state practice which should be considered as relevant evidence for the formation of customary rules, and to what extent they are different from those existing under general international law. The book also analyses the concept of states' opinio juris in investment arbitration. Offering guidance to actors called upon to apply customary rules in concrete cases, this book will be of significant importance to those involved in investment arbitration.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Dumberry, Patrick},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316481479},
isbn = {9781316481479},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Formation and Identification of Rules of Customary International Law in International Investment Law}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781316481479},
year = {2016}
}
@book{Hughes2013,
abstract = {Oil is the world's most important commodity. It is also one of the most politicized, with national oil companies controlling most of the world's reserves. Contrary to conventional wisdom, Llewelyn Hughes shows that governments across the advanced industrial states responded to the politicization of oil in the 1970s by freeing prices, lowering barriers to trade, and privatizing national oil companies. How did this come about? And why do some governments continue to support domestic firms? In answering these questions, Hughes shows that the politicization of oil also led to a transformation in oil market governance by changing the balance of risk and opportunities facing firms. He also shows that their ability to benefit from this change was conditioned by previous attempts to shape the competitive landscape in their favor. Hughes' study has important implications not only for the politics of oil, but also for the study of economic liberalization.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Hughes, Llewelyn},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781107323643},
isbn = {9781107323643},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Globalizing Oil}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781107323643},
year = {2013}
}
@book{bryla2017managing,
abstract = {Exploring the competitiveness and profitability of the agricultural sector in Central Europe, this book argues that the successful management of agricultural enterprises is inconceivable without the knowledge and application of modern forms of management and technology. Organised in an analytical framework and offering comprehensive empirical data, this book focusses on the countries of Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. The contributors identify good practices, unresolved problems, and factors influencing profitability. Topics explored include the challenges of increasing sales potential, competitiveness, partnerships and cooperation, human resources issues, and risk management. By constituting a valuable source of knowledge, Managing Agricultural Enterprises is important to those researching the agricultural industry and management, but also to policy-makers and managers of agricultural enterprises.},
author = {Bry{\l}a, Pawe{\l}},
keywords = {Multinational enterprises},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Managing Agricultural Enterprises: Exploring Profitability and Best Practice in Central Europe}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{akyuz2017playing,
abstract = {Starting in the early 1990s many emerging and developing economies (EDEs) liberalized their capital accounts, allowing greater freedom for international lenders and investors to enter their markets as well as for their residents to borrow and invest in international financial markets. Despite recurrent crises, liberalization has continued and in fact accelerated in the new millennium. Integration has been greatly facilitated by progressively looser monetary policy in the United States, notably the policies that culminated in debt crises in the United States and Europe and the ultra-easy monetary policy adopted in response. Not only have their traditional cross-border linkages been deepened and external balance sheets expanded rapidly, but also foreign presence in their domestic financial markets and the presence of their nationals in foreign markets have reached unprecedented levels. As a result new channels have emerged for the transmission of financial shocks from global boom-bust cycles. Almost all EDEs are now vulnerable irrespective of their balance-of-payments, external debt, net foreign assets and international reserve positions although these play an important role in the way such shocks could impinge on them. This is a matter for concern since the multilateral system still lacks mechanisms for orderly resolution of financial crises with international dimensions.

Playing with Fire provides an empirical account of deeper integration of EDEs into the global financial system and discusses its implications for stability and growth, focusing on the role of policies in the new millennium in both EDEs and the United States and Europe.},
author = {Aky{\"{u}}z, Yilmaz},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Playing with fire: Deepened financial integration and changing vulnerabilities of the Global South}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{li2018china,
abstract = {This book focuses on the nature and significance of China's state enterprises which have undergone substantial changes since China's economic liberalization in 1978. It argues that much of the criticism is based on mistaken premises, where even the term ‘state-owned enterprises' is a misnomer given that the emphasis is much less on ownership than on control. Using numerous case studies, this book highlights the extent to which these enterprises have evolved in response to reforms, and provides an in-depth analysis of their role in China's outward investment strategy in the “Belt and Road” initiative. This role speaks to their growing influence as China expands her global footprint.},
author = {Li, Ran and Cheong, Kee Cheok},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{China's state enterprises: changing role in a rapidly transforming economy}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{OConnell2019,
abstract = {International law evolved to end and prevent armed conflict as much as for any other reason. Yet, the law against war appears weaker today than ever in its long history, evidenced by raging armed conflicts in which people are killed, injured, and forcibly displaced. The environment is devastated, and the planet impoverished. These consequences can be traced to the dominant ideology of realism. In 1946, Hersch Lauterpacht challenged that ideology by contrasting it with the idea of international law, composed of natural law, positive law, and process theory. The Art of Law in the International Community revives his vision, rebuilding the understanding of why international law binds, what its norms require, and how courts are the ideal substitutes for war. The secret to the renewal of international law lies in revitalizing the moral foundation of natural law through drawing on aesthetic philosophy and the arts.},
author = {O'Connell, Mary Ellen},
doi = {10.1017/9781108551144},
isbn = {9781108551144},
month = {may},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Art of Law in the International Community}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108551144/type/book},
year = {2019}
}
@book{roberts2018brics,
abstract = {In the early 21st century, five rising powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) formed an exclusive international club, the BRICS. Although not extreme revisionists, the BRICS recognize an ongoing global power shift and contest the West's pretensions to permanent stewardship of the existing economic order. Together they exercise collective financial and monetary statecraft to achieve larger foreign policy goals. The BRICS share common resentments-of U.S. dominance of the global financial system, of playing junior roles in economic governance, and of serving as frequent targets of financial sanctions. They also share common objectives, such as obtaining greater financial autonomy and influence within the Bretton Woods institutions. Their financial statecraft ranges from pressure for the internal reform of international organizations and markets to operating outside the system through the creation of both new multilateral institutions and opportunity structures in international financial markets. To the surprise of many observers, the joint actions of the BRICS have been largely successful. The BRICS' future depends not only on their bargaining power and ability to successfully adjust to market shifts, but also on their ability to overcome domestic impediments to sustainable economic growth, which is the ultimate basis for their international influence.},
author = {Roberts, Cynthia A and Armijo, Leslie Elliott and Katada, Saori N},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The BRICS and collective financial statecraft}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{wiseman2015isolate,
abstract = {The U.S. government has essentially two choices when dealing with adversarial states: isolate them or engage them. Isolate or Engage systematically examines the challenges to and opportunities for U.S. diplomatic relations with nine intensely adversarial states—China, Cuba, Iran, Libya, North Korea, U.S.S.R./Russia, Syria, Venezuela, and Vietnam: states where the situation is short of conventional war and where the U.S. maintains limited or no formal diplomatic relations with the government. In such circumstances, "public diplomacy"—the means by which the U.S. engages with citizens in other countries so they will push their own governments to adopt less hostile and more favorable views of U.S. foreign policies—becomes extremely important for shaping the context within which the adversarial government makes important decisions affecting U.S. national security interests. At a time when the norm of not talking to the enemy is a matter of public debate, the book examines the role of both traditional and public diplomacy with adversarial states and reviews the costs and benefits of U.S. diplomatic engagement with the publics of these countries. It concludes that while public diplomacy is not a panacea for easing conflict in interstate relations, it is one of many productive channels that a government can use in order to stay informed about the status of its relations with an adversarial state, and to seek to improve those relations.},
author = {Wiseman, Geoffrey},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Isolate or engage: Adversarial states, US foreign policy, and public diplomacy}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{perri2015innovation,
abstract = {In the changing geography of innovation, multinational corporations play a key role as creators of knowledge. Innovation and the Multinational Firm investigates how innovation is managed within these firms by focusing particularly on subsidiaries and host-locations.},
author = {Perri, Alessandra},
keywords = {Multinational firms},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Innovation and the multinational firm: Perspectives on foreign subsidiaries and host locations}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{liu2019state,
abstract = {Using a series of studies, this book shows that ownership structure plays a major role in the national economy as a whole. Inefficient State Owned Enterprises (SOE's) damage the development of private enterprises and overall economic growth in various ways. The policy implications are very clear: in order to achieve healthy and fast economic development, there must be a radical reform of SOEs. Moreover, the aim of the SOE reform is not just to highlight the enterprises' efficiency, but also create favorable conditions for financial deregulation, elimination of market segmentation, weakened market monopoly, and balanced regional economic development. The book argues that SOE reform is pivotal to stimulating general economic reform and development in order for China to achieve a smooth transition to a mature market economy.},
author = {Liu, Ruiming},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{How State-owned Enterprises Drag on Economic Growth}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{king2019god,
abstract = {Over the past seventy years, World Vision has grown from a small missionary agency to the largest Christian humanitarian organization in the world, with 40,000 employees, offices in nearly one hundred countries, and an annual budget of over {\$}2 billion. While founder Bob Pierce was an evangelist with street smarts, the most recent World Vision U.S. presidents move with ease between megachurches, the boardrooms of Fortune 500 companies, and the corridors of Capitol Hill. Though the organization has remained decidedly Christian, it has earned the reputation as an elite international nongovernmental organization managed efficiently by professional experts fluent in the language of both marketing and development. God's Internationalists is the first comprehensive study of World Vision—or any such religious humanitarian agency. In chronicling the organization's transformation from 1950 to the present, David P. King approaches World Vision as a lens through which to explore shifts within post-World War II American evangelicalism as well as the complexities of faith-based humanitarianism. Chronicling the evolution of World Vision's practices, theology, rhetoric, and organizational structure, King demonstrates how the organization rearticulated and retained its Christian identity even as it expanded beyond a narrow American evangelical subculture. King's pairing of American evangelicals' interactions abroad with their own evolving identity at home reframes the traditional narrative of modern American evangelicalism while also providing the historical context for the current explosion of evangelical interest in global social engagement. By examining these patterns of change, God's Internationalists offers a distinctive angle on the history of religious humanitarianism.},
author = {King, David P},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{God's Internationalists: World Vision and the Age of Evangelical Humanitarianism}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{juneau2015squandered,
abstract = {The Islamic Republic of Iran faced a favorable strategic environment following the US invasions of Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003. Its leadership attempted to exploit this window of opportunity by assertively seeking to expand Iran's interests throughout the Middle East. It fell far short, however, of fulfilling its long-standing ambition of becoming the dominant power in the Persian Gulf and a leading regional power in the broader Middle East. In Squandered Opportunity, Thomas Juneau develops a variant of neoclassical realism, a theory of foreign policy mistakes, to explore the causes and consequences of Iran's sub-optimal performance. He argues that while rising power drove Iranian assertiveness—as most variants of realism would predict—the peculiar nature of Iran's power and the intervention of specific domestic factors caused Iran's foreign policy to deviate, sometimes significantly, from what would be considered the potential optimal outcomes. Juneau explains that this sub-optimal foreign policy led to important and negative consequences for the country. Despite some gains, Iran failed to maximize its power, its security and its influence in three crucial areas: the Arab-Israeli conflict; Iraq; and the nuclear program. Juneau also predicts that, as the window of opportunity steadily closes for Iran, its power, security, and influence will likely continue to decline in coming years.},
author = {Juneau, Thomas},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Squandered opportunity: Neoclassical realism and Iranian foreign policy}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Hanieh2018,
abstract = {Framed by a critical analysis of global capitalism, this book examines how the six states of the Gulf Cooperation Council are powerfully shaping the political economy of the wider Middle East. Through unprecedented and fine-grained empirical research - encompassing sectors such as agribusiness, real estate, finance, retail, telecommunications, and urban utilities - Adam Hanieh lays out the pivotal role of the Gulf in the affairs of other Arab states. This vital but little recognised feature of the Middle East's political economy is essential to understanding contemporary regional dynamics, not least of which is the emergence of significant internal tensions within the Gulf itself. Bringing fresh insights and a novel interdisciplinary approach to debates across political economy, critical geography, and Middle East studies, this book fills an important gap in how we understand the region and its place in the global order.},
author = {Hanieh, Adam},
doi = {10.1017/9781108614443},
isbn = {9781108614443},
month = {aug},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Money, Markets, and Monarchies}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108614443/type/book},
year = {2018}
}
@article{distler2018acquisitions,
abstract = {This thesis analyzes the motivation and performance of 403 acquisitions made by emerging multinational corporations (EMNCs) in Western Europe and North America between 1994 and 2013. The findings indicate that most EMNCs were motivated to acquire in order to obtain access to the upstream and downstream know-how of their target firms. In addition, the thesis' event study results demonstrate that EMNCs on average generated value for their shareholders with their acquisitions over short periods around acquisition announcement. This result is particularly significant since similar studies on buying firms from developed markets have frequently come to the conclusion that acquirers destroy shareholder value.},
author = {Distler, Johannes},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
pages = {2019},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Acquisitions by Emerging Multinational Corporations}},
volume = {15},
year = {2018}
}
@misc{cargashuman,
abstract = {In tracing the origins of the modern human-rights movement, historians typically point to two periods: the 1940s, in which decade the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was ratified by the United Nations General Assembly; and the 1970s, during which numerous human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), most notably Amnesty International and M{\'{e}}decins Sans Fronti{\`{e}}res, came into existence. It was also in the 1970s, Sarita Cargas observes, when the first classes in international human rights began to be taught in law schools and university political science departments in the United States. Cargas argues that the time has come for human rights to be acknowledged as an academic discipline. She notes that human rights has proven to be a relevant field to scholars and students in political science and international relations and law for over half a century. It has become of interest to anthropology, history, sociology, and religious studies, as well as a requirement even in social work and education programs. However, despite its interdisciplinary nature, Cargas demonstrates that human rights meets the criteria that define an academic discipline in that it possesses a canon of literature, a shared set of concerns, a community of scholars, and a methodology. In an analysis of human rights curricula in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States, Cargas identifies an informal consensus on the epistemological foundations of human rights, including familiarity with human rights law; knowledge of major actors including the United Nations, governments, NGOS, and multinational corporations; and, most crucially, awareness and advocacy of the rights and freedoms detailed in the articles of the UDHR. The second half of the book offers practical recommendations for creating a human rights major at the university level in the United States.},
author = {CARGAS, Sarita},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{Human Rights Education: Forging an Academic Discipline}}
}
@book{coleman2016next,
abstract = {You may be familiar with the success stories of Spanx, GoldieBlox, and other women-owned businesses that have taken their markets by storm. But, today, only two percent of women-owned firms generate more than one million dollars annually. The Next Wave is here to help women drive up that number. Drawing on the Kauffman Firm Survey and many other sources, Susan Coleman and Alicia M. Robb cull together data-driven advice for women-owned, growth-oriented businesses as they finance their expansion. They not only consider the unique approaches and specific concerns of female business owners, but also take into account the growing pool of investors who will play a role in selecting and grooming a new generation of women entrepreneurs. Since growth-oriented firms typically require external capital, the investor perspective is critical. Telling entrepreneurs what the research means for them, outfitting them with resources, and illustrating the road ahead with real world cases, this book serves as a pioneering strategy guide for the next wave of women who want to "go big" to bring home their goals.},
author = {Coleman, Susan and Robb, Alicia M},
keywords = {Multinational firms},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{The Next Wave: Financing Women's Growth-oriented Firms}},
year = {2016}
}
@book{mosca2013frontier,
abstract = {Between the mid-eighteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, Qing rulers, officials, and scholars fused diverse, fragmented perceptions of foreign territory into one integrated worldview. In the same period, a single "foreign" policy emerged as an alternative to the many localized "frontier" policies hitherto pursued on the coast, in Xinjiang, and in Tibet. By unraveling Chinese, Manchu, and British sources to reveal the information networks used by the Qing empire to gather intelligence about its emerging rival, British India, this book explores China's altered understanding of its place in a global context. Far from being hobbled by a Sinocentric worldview, Qing China's officials and scholars paid close attention to foreign affairs. To meet the growing British threat, they adapted institutional practices and geopolitical assumptions to coordinate a response across their maritime and inland borderlands. In time, the new and more active response to Western imperialism built on this foundation reshaped not only China's diplomacy but also the internal relationship between Beijing and its frontiers.},
author = {Mosca, Matthew},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{From Frontier Policy to Foreign Policy: The Question of India and the Transformation of Geopolitics in Qing China}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Morosini2017,
abstract = {This book shows how the current reform in investment regulation is part of a broader attempt to transform the international economic order. Countries in the North and South are currently rethinking how economic order should be constituted in order to advance their national interests and preferred economic orientation. While some countries in the North seek to create alternative institutional spaces in order to promote neoliberal policies more effectively, some countries in the South are increasingly skeptical of this version of economic order and are experimenting with alternative versions of legal ordering that do not always sit well with mainstream versions promoted by the North. While we recognize that there are differences in approaches to the investment regimes proposed by countries in the South, we identify commonalities that could function as the founding pillars of an alternative economic order.},
doi = {10.1017/9781316996812},
editor = {Morosini, Fabio and {Sanchez Badin}, Michelle Ratton},
isbn = {9781316996812},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Reconceptualizing International Investment Law from the Global South}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781316996812/type/book},
year = {2017}
}
@book{abraham2014india,
abstract = {Why do countries go to war over disputed lands? Why do they fight even when the territories in question are economically and strategically worthless? Drawing on critical approaches to international relations, political geography, international law, and social history, and based on a close examination of the Indian experience during the twentieth century, Itty Abraham addresses these important questions and offers a new conceptualization of foreign policy as a state territorializing practice. Identifying the contested process of decolonization as the root of contemporary Asian inter-state territorial conflicts, he explores the political implications of establishing a fixed territorial homeland as a necessary starting point for both international recognition and national identity—concluding that disputed lands are important because of their intimate identification with the legitimacy of the postcolonial nation-state, rather than because of their potential for economic gains or their place in historic grievances. By treating Indian diaspora policy and geopolitical practice as exemplars of foreign policy behavior, Abraham demonstrates how their intersection offers an entirely new way of understanding India's vexed relations with Pakistan and China. This approach offers a new and productive way of thinking about foreign policy and inter-state conflicts over territory in Asia—one that is non-U.S. and non-European focused—that has a number of implications for regional security and for foreign policy practices in the contemporary postcolonial world.},
author = {Abraham, Itty},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{How India became territorial: Foreign policy, diaspora, geopolitics}},
year = {2014}
}
@book{collins2013bric,
author = {Collins, David},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The BRIC states and outward foreign direct investment}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{christensen2017power,
abstract = {The spread of market-oriented reforms has been one of the major political and economic trends of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Governments have, to varying degrees, adopted policies that have led to deregulation: the liberalization of trade; the privatization of state entities; and low-rate, broad-base taxes. Yet some countries embraced these policies more than others. Johan Christensen examines one major contributor to this disparity: the entrenchment of U.S.-trained, neoclassical economists in political institutions the world over. While previous studies have highlighted the role of political parties and production regimes, Christensen uses comparative case studies of New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, and Denmark to show how the influence of economists affected the extent to which each nation adopted market-oriented tax policies. He finds that, in countries where economic experts held powerful positions, neoclassical economics broke through with greater force. Drawing on revealing interviews with 80 policy elites, he examines the specific ways in which economists shaped reforms, relying on an activist approach to policymaking and the perceived utility of their science to drive change.},
author = {Christensen, Johan},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{The power of economists within the state}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{wang2014china,
abstract = {This book studies the impact of China's outward foreign direct investment on the world economy. It uses both case studies and modeling approaches to study how China's investments have affected the rest of the world.},
author = {Wang, Pan},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{China's Outward Foreign Direct Investments and Impact on the World Economy}},
year = {2014}
}
@book{southgate2016globalized,
abstract = {Bananas are the fifth most widely traded farm product. While the results of monopolization in the banana business, such as environmental contamination and the exploitation of labor, are frequently criticized, Globalized Fruit, Local Entrepreneurs demonstrates that the industry is not globally uniform, nor uniformly rotten. Douglas Southgate and Lois Roberts challenge the perception that multinational corporations face no significant competitors in the banana business and argue that Ecuador and Colombia are important sources of competition. Focusing on Ecuador, the world's leading exporter of bananas since the early 1950s, Globalized Fruit, Local Entrepreneurs highlights the factors that led to the development of independent fruit industries, including environmental conditions, governmental policies, and, most significantly, entrepreneurship on the part of local growers and exporters. Although multinational firms headquartered in the United States have been active in the country, Ecuador has never been a banana republic, dominated economically and politically by a foreign corporation. Instead, Southgate and Roberts show that a competitive market for tropical fruit exists in and around Guayaquil, a port city dedicated to international commerce for centuries. Moreover, that market has consistently rewarded productive entrepreneurship. Drawing on interviews and archival research, Southgate and Roberts investigate leading exporters' and growers' origins, which are more humble than privileged, as well as their paths to success in the banana business. Globalized Fruit, Local Entrepreneurs shows that international marketing by Guayaquil-based merchants has been aggressive and innovative. As a result, Ecuador's tropical fruit sector has expanded more than it would have done had multinational corporate dominance never been challenged.},
author = {Southgate, Douglas and Roberts, Lois},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{Globalized fruit, local entrepreneurs: How one banana-exporting country achieved worldwide reach}},
year = {2016}
}
@book{bal2018african,
abstract = {Examining the experiences of Africans setting up businesses back home, the main focus of this book is to establish the economic, social and psychological reasons for such ‘home direct investment'. Despite the personal sacrifices that are often needed in order to set up new ventures, the diaspora invests relentless effort and motivations in the pursuit of home ventures. The authors explore critical areas such as the social and psychological pressures that African Diasporas experience when investing in their home countries, as well as the management of diaspora businesses and the impact of such investment to local economies.},
author = {Bal, Matthijs},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{African diaspora direct investment: establishing the economic and socio-cultural rationale}},
year = {2018}
}
@misc{devlen2015politics,
abstract = {In this provocative book, Peter Gries directly challenges the widely held view that partisan elites on Capitol Hill are out of touch with a moderate American public. Dissecting a new national survey, Gries shows how ideology powerfully divides Main Street over both domestic and foreign policy and reveals how and why, with the exception of attitudes toward Israel, liberals consistently feel warmer toward foreign countries and international organizations, and desire friendlier policies toward them, than conservatives do. And because most Congressional districts have become hyper-partisan, many politicians today cater not to the "median voter" in their districts, but to the primary voters who elect them. The perverse incentives of the U.S. electoral system, therefore, are empowering the ideological extremes, contributing to elite partisanship over American foreign policy. The Politics of American Foreign Policy weaves seamlessly together in-depth examinations of the psychological roots and foreign policy consequences of the liberal-conservative divide, the cultural, socio-racial, economic, and political dimensions of American ideology, and the moral values and foreign policy orientations that divide Democrats and Republicans. Within this context, the book explores in detail why American liberals and conservatives disagree over US policy relating to Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, East Asia, and international organizations such as the UN.},
author = {Devlen, Balkan},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The politics of American foreign policy: how ideology divides liberals and conservatives over foreign affairs. By Peter Hays Gries}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{chen2017state,
abstract = {This book explores the social economic processes of inequality in nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century rural China. Drawing on uniquely rich source materials, Shuang Chen provides a comprehensive view of the creation of a social hierarchy wherein the state classified immigrants to the Chinese county of Shuangcheng into distinct categories, each associated with different land entitlements. The resulting patterns of wealth stratification and social hierarchy were then simultaneously challenged and reinforced by local people. The tensions built into the unequal land entitlements shaped the identities of immigrant groups, and this social hierarchy persisted even after the institution of unequal state entitlements was removed. State-Sponsored Inequality offers an in-depth understanding of the key factors that contribute to social stratification in agrarian societies. Moreover, it sheds light on the many parallels between the stratification system in nineteenth-century Shuangcheng and structural inequality in contemporary China.},
author = {Chen, Shuang},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{State-sponsored inequality: The Banner System and social stratification in Northeast China}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{chang2013multinational,
abstract = {As a consequence of aggressive competition, Chinese industries have become increasingly consolidated. While the extent to which emerging local firms can challenge well-established multinational firms varies by industry, there are common characteristics of 'winners' within each firm type. A handful of multinational and local firms emerged victorious by acquiring small, weak, and regional players to become truly national players. During this process, weaker multinational firms were crowded out of the market by stronger multinationals as well as by emerging local powerhouses. The successful local firms that survive competition in China have global ambitions and venture into international markets, challenging foreign multinational firms in the global marketplace. This book examines how multinational firms grew their operations in China and how successful local firms emerged from the restructuring process, as well the competition between them, in the fierce marketplace of China's economic reform. While anecdotal evidence on this topic is widespread, there exists no comprehensive research. This book seeks to address this gap by rooting its discussion in the author's extensive and rigorous statistical analyses and detailed case studies across five industries: consumer products, beer, telecom, automobile, and steel.},
author = {Chang, Sea-Jin},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Multinational firms in China: Entry strategies, competition, and firm performance}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{mayrhofer2012management,
abstract = {Offers an innovative perspective of managerial practices adopted by multinational companies. The authors examine the challenges they face in the global environment, headquarters-subsidiaries relationships as well as partnerships and networks they form across the world.},
author = {Mayrhofer, Ulrike},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
title = {{Management of multinational companies: A french perspective}},
year = {2012}
}
@book{parra2018history,
abstract = {Now available in paperback, the second edition of The History of ICSID details the history and development of the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) and its constituent treaty, the Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes between States and Nationals of Other States. Antonio Parra, the first Deputy Secretary-General of ICSID, traces the immediate origins of the Convention, in the years 1955 to 1962, and gives a stage-by-stage narrative of the drafting of the Convention between 1962 and 1965. He recounts details of bringing the Convention into force in 1966 and the elaboration of the initial versions of the Regulations and Rules of ICSID adopted at the first meetings of its Administrative Council in 1967. The four periods 1968 to 1988, 1989 to 1999, 2000 to 2010, and 2011 to 2015 are covered in separate chapters which examine the expansion of the Centre's activities and changes made to the Regulations and Rules over the years. There are also overviews of the conciliation and arbitration cases submitted to ICSID in the respective periods, followed by discussions of selected cases and key issues within them. A concluding chapter discusses some of the broad themes and findings of the book, examines how ICSID might meet several large new challenges facing it, and outlines several possible further changes of its rules and procedures The book offers unique insight into the establishment and design of ICSID, as well as into how the institution evolved and its relationship with the World Bank over the 50 years since the establishment of ICSID. It is essential reading for those involved in this field.},
author = {Parra, Antonio R},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The History of ICSID, Second Edition}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{monk2017reframing,
abstract = {Since the 2008 financial crisis, beneficiary organizations—like pension funds, sovereign wealth funds, endowments, and foundations—have been seeking ways to mitigate the risk of their investments and make better financial decisions. For them, Reframing Finance offers a path forward. This book argues that institutional investors would better serve their long-term goals by putting money into large-scale, future-facing projects such as infrastructure, green energy, innovation in agriculture, and real estate development. At the same time, redirecting long-term investments would close significant financial gaps that government cannot. Drawing on key contributions in economic sociology, social network theory, and economics, the book conceptualizes a collaborative model of investment that is already becoming increasingly common: Large investors contribute more directly to private market assets, while financial intermediaries seek to foster co-investment partnerships, better aligning incentives for all. A combination of rich case studies and rigorous theory enables asset owners to move toward more efficient, private-market investing, while also laying groundwork for research at the frontier of finance.},
author = {Monk, Ashby and Sharma, Rajiv and Sinclair, Duncan L},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Reframing finance: New models of long-term investment management}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Jupille2013,
abstract = {Why do institutions emerge, operate, evolve and persist? 'Institutional Choice and Global Commerce' elaborates a theory of boundedly rational institutional choice that explains when states USE available institutions, SELECT among alternative forums, CHANGE existing rules, or CREATE new arrangements (USCC). The authors reveal the striking staying power of the institutional status quo and test their innovative theory against evidence on institutional choice in global commerce from the nineteenth through the twenty-first centuries. Cases range from the establishment in 1876 of the first truly international system of commercial dispute resolution, the Mixed Courts of Egypt, to the founding and operation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, the World Trade Organization, and the International Accounting Standards Board. Analysts of institutional choice henceforth must take seriously not only the distinct demands of specific cooperation dilemmas, but also the wide array of available institutional choices.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Jupille, Joseph and Mattli, Walter and Snidal, Duncan},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781139855990},
isbn = {9781139855990},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Institutional Choice and Global Commerce}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781139855990},
year = {2013}
}
@book{haipeter2019employee,
abstract = {Investigating the issue of employee representation in multinational companies (MNCs), this book sets out to systematically conceptualise the modes of articulation between different action fields. While previous studies have focused on forms of employee representation that have emerged throughout recent decades, rather little is known about the interaction and coordination of representational bodies and actors, such as trade unions and European or World Works Councils. Given the growing importance of transnational restructuring in MNCs, understanding the conditions under which employees are able to participate in company decision-making is a crucial issue. Based on empirical case studies and interviews with employee representatives from ten countries across Europe, the authors investigate the role of representational bodies in periods of company restructuring. Proposing a shift in perspectives in research on transnational labour relations and bringing new insights into structures and practices of employee representation in MNCs, this book will be a valuable read for both scholars and practitioners.},
author = {Haipeter, Thomas},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Employee representation in multinational companies}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Pandya2011,
abstract = {This book is the first comprehensive study of foreign direct investment (FDI) liberalization. Political economy FDI research has long focused on how host-country politics influence the supply of FDI, or how firms choose to invest. By contrast, this book focuses on the politics of FDI demand: the sources of citizens' preferences for FDI inflows and countries' foreign ownership restrictions. Professor Sonal S. Pandya's theory of FDI regulation identifies how FDI redistributes income within host countries, raises local wages, and creates competition for local firms. Policy makers regulate FDI inflows to facilitate local firms' access to these highly productive assets and the income they generate. Empirical tests also emphasize the central role of multinational cooperations' productive assets in shaping the politics of FDI. These tests feature an original dataset of annual country-industry foreign ownership regulations that spans more than one hundred countries during the period 1970–2000, the first dataset of FDI regulation of this detail and scope. This book highlights the economic and political foundations of global economic integration and supplies the tools to understand the growing economic conflicts between advanced economics and large emerging markets such as China and India.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Pandya, Sonal S.},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781139628884},
isbn = {9781139628884},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Trading Spaces}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781139628884},
year = {2013}
}
@book{KarenJ.Alter2014,
abstract = {In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. The New Terrain of International Law charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The New Terrain of International Law presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, Karen Alter argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. Alter explains how this limited power--the power to speak the law--translates into political influence, and she considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.},
address = {Princeton},
author = {{Karen J. Alter}},
isbn = {9781400848683},
pages = {480},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{The New Terrain of International Law: Courts, Politics, Rights}},
year = {2014}
}
@book{billah2019modern,
abstract = {Islamic finance has grown exponentially since 1963 and has reached more than 70 countries around the world with the asset size of about {\$}2.5 trillion. The Islamic investment system today comprises of both asset-backed and asset-based offerings. There is an evidence of sustained demand for Islamic investment in the global market among both Muslim and non-Muslim investors with demand outstripping supply and management. This book is a timely guide to understanding the paradigm of Islamic investment and its application in the contemporary investment reality, and will be of particular interest to academia, industrialists, professionals, investors, investment managers, product designers, students, decision makers and policymakers globally in the field of investment.},
author = {Billah, Mohd Ma'Sum},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Modern Islamic Investment Management}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{lynch2015china,
abstract = {China's Futures cuts through the sometimes confounding and unfounded speculation of international pundits and commentators to provide readers with an important yet overlooked set of complex views concerning China's future: views originating within China itself. Daniel Lynch seeks to answer the simple but rarely asked question: how do China's own leaders and other elite figures assess their country's future? Many Western social scientists, business leaders, journalists, technocrats, analysts, and policymakers convey confident predictions about the future of China's rise. Every day, the business, political, and even entertainment news is filled with stories and commentary not only on what is happening in China now, but also what Western experts confidently think will happen in the future. Typically missing from these accounts is how people of power and influence in China itself imagine their country's developmental course. Yet the assessments of elites in a still super-authoritarian country like China should make a critical difference in what the national trajectory eventually becomes. In China's Futures, Lynch traces the varying possible national trajectories based on how China's own specialists are evaluating their country's current course, and his book is the first to assess the strengths and weaknesses of "predictioneering" in Western social science as applied to China. It does so by examining Chinese debates in five critical issue-areas concerning China's trajectory: the economy, domestic political processes and institutions, communication and the Internet (arrival of the "network society"), foreign policy strategy, and international soft-power (cultural) competition.},
author = {Lynch, Daniel C},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{China's futures: PRC elites debate economics, politics, and foreign policy}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Howse2018,
abstract = {The recent rise of international trade courts and tribunals deserves systemic study and in-depth analysis. This volume gathers contributions from experts specialised in different regional adjudicators of trade disputes and scrutinises their operations in the light of the often-debated legitimacy issues. It not only looks into prominent adjudicators that have played a significant role for global and regional integration; it also encloses the newly established and/or less-known judicial actors. Critical topics covered range from procedures and legal techniques during the adjudication process to the pre- and post-adjudication matters in relation to forum selection and decision implementation. The volume features cross-cutting interdisciplinary discussions among academics and practitioners, lawyers, philosophers and political scientists. In addition to fulfilling the research vacuum, it aims to address the challenges and opportunities faced in international trade adjudication.},
doi = {10.1017/9781108335690},
editor = {Howse, Robert and Ruiz-Fabri, H{\'{e}}l{\`{e}}ne and Ulfstein, Geir and Zang, Michelle Q.},
isbn = {9781108335690},
month = {apr},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Legitimacy of International Trade Courts and Tribunals}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108335690/type/book},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Bonnitcha2014,
abstract = {Substantive Protection under Investment Treaties provides the first systematic analysis of the consequences of the substantive protections that investment treaties provide to foreign investors. It proposes a new framework for identifying and evaluating the costs and benefits of differing levels of investment treaty protection, and uses this framework to evaluate the levels of protection for foreign investors implied by different interpretations of the fair and equitable treatment and indirect expropriation provisions of investment treaties. The author examines the arguments and assumptions of both supporters and critics of investment treaties, seeks to test whether they are coherent and borne out by evidence, and concludes that the 'economic' justifications for investment treaty protections are much weaker than is generally assumed. As such, the 'economic' objectives of investment treaties are not necessarily in tension with other 'non-economic' objectives. These findings have important implications for the drafting and interpretation of investment treaties.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Bonnitcha, Jonathan},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781107326361},
isbn = {9781107326361},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Substantive Protection under Investment Treaties}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781107326361},
year = {2014}
}
@book{stenner2019globalizing,
abstract = {The end of World War II heralded a new global order. Decolonization swept the world and the United Nations, founded in 1945, came to embody the hopes of the world's colonized people as an instrument of freedom. North Africa became a particularly contested region and events there reverberated around the world. In Morocco, the emerging nationalist movement developed social networks that spanned three continents and engaged supporters from CIA agents, British journalists, and Asian diplomats to a Coca-Cola manager and a former First Lady. Globalizing Morocco traces how these networks helped the nationalists achieve independence—and then enabled the establishment of an authoritarian monarchy that persists today. David Stenner tells the story of the Moroccan activists who managed to sway world opinion against the French and Spanish colonial authorities to gain independence, and in so doing illustrates how they contributed to the formation of international relations during the early Cold War. Looking at post-1945 world politics from the Moroccan vantage point, we can see fissures in the global order that allowed the peoples of Africa and Asia to influence a hierarchical system whose main purpose had been to keep them at the bottom. In the process, these anticolonial networks created an influential new model for transnational activism that remains relevant still to contemporary struggles.},
author = {Stenner, David},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Globalizing Morocco}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{rosas2019south,
abstract = {South Central Los Angeles is often characterized as an African American community beset by poverty and economic neglect. But this depiction obscures the significant Latina/o population that has called South Central home since the 1970s. More significantly, it conceals the efforts African American and Latina/o residents have made together in shaping their community. As residents have faced increasing challenges from diminished government social services, economic disinvestment, immigration enforcement, and police surveillance, they have come together in their struggle for belonging and justice.South Central Is Home investigates the development of relational community formation and highlights how communities of color like South Central experience racism and discrimination—and how in the best of situations, they are energized to improve their conditions together. Tracking the demographic shifts in South Central from 1945 to the present, Abigail Rosas shows how financial institutions, War on Poverty programs like Headstart for school children, and community health centers emerged as crucial sites where neighbors engaged one another over what was best for their community. Through this work, Rosas illuminates the promise of community building, offering findings indispensable to our understandings of race, community, and place in U.S. society.},
author = {Rosas, Abigail},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{South Central is Home: Race and the Power of Community Investment in Los Angeles}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{fort2015diplomat,
abstract = {In The Diplomat in the Corner Office, Timothy L. Fort, one of the founders of the business and peace movement, reflects on the progress of the movement over the past 15 years—from a niche position into a mainstream economic and international relations perspective. In the 21st century global business environment, says Fort, businesses can and should play a central role in peace-building, and he demonstrates that it is to companies' strategic advantage to do so. Anchoring his arguments in theories from economics and international relations, Fort makes the case that businesses must augment familiar notions of corporate responsibility and ethical behavior with the concept of corporate foreign policy in order to thrive in today's world. He presents a series of case studies focusing on companies that have made peace a goal, either as an end in itself or because of its instrumental value in building their companies, to articulate three different approaches that businesses can use to quell international conflict— peace making, peace keeping, and peace building. He then demonstrates their effectiveness and proposes policies that can be utilized by business, civil society, and government to increase the likelihood of business playing a constructive role in the conciliatory process. This book will be of enormous use not only to students and scholars but also to leaders in NGOs, government, and business.},
author = {Fort, Timothy L},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{The diplomat in the corner office: Corporate foreign policy}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Henckels2015,
abstract = {In this study, Caroline Henckels examines how investment tribunals have balanced the competing interests of host states and foreign investors in determining state liability in disputes concerning the exercise of public power. Analyzing the concepts of proportionality and deference in investment tribunals' decision-making in comparative perspective, the book proposes a new methodology for investment tribunals to adopt in regulatory disputes, which combines proportionality analysis with an institutionally sensitive approach to the standard of review. Henckels argues that adopting a modified form of proportionality analysis would provide a means for tribunals to decide cases in a more consistent and coherent manner leading to greater certainty for both states and investors, and that affording due deference to host states in the determination of liability would address the concern that the decisions of investment tribunals unjustifiably impact on the regulatory autonomy of states.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Henckels, Caroline},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316104378},
isbn = {9781316104378},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Proportionality and Deference in Investor-State Arbitration}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781316104378},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Naoi2015,
abstract = {What accounts for the large reduction in trade barriers among new democracies in Asia after World War II? Using new data from Japan and Thailand, this book provides a surprising answer: politicians, especially party leaders, liberalized trade by buying off legislative support with side-payments such as pork barrel projects. Trade liberalization was a legislative triumph, not an executive achievement. This finding challenges the conventional "insulation" argument, which posits that insulating executives from special interest groups and voters is the key to successful trade liberalization. By contrast, this book demonstrates that party leaders built open economy coalitions with legislators by feeding legislators' rent-seeking desires with side-payments rather than depriving their appetites. This book unravels the political foundations of open economy.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Naoi, Megumi},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781139583435},
isbn = {9781139583435},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Building Legislative Coalitions for Free Trade in Asia}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781139583435},
year = {2015}
}
@book{maas2013multilevel,
abstract = {Citizenship has come to mean legal and political equality within a sovereign nation-state; in international law, only states may determine who is and who is not a citizen. But such unitary status is the historical exception: before sovereign nation-states became the prevailing form of political organization, citizenship had a range of definitions and applications. Today, nonstate communities and jurisdictions both below and above the state level are once again becoming important sources of rights, allegiance, and status, thereby constituting renewed forms of multilevel citizenship. For example, while the European Union protects the nation-state's right to determine its own members, the project to construct a democratic polity beyond national borders challenges the sovereignty of member governments. Multilevel Citizenship disputes the dominant narrative of citizenship as a homogeneous status that can be bestowed only by nation-states. The contributors examine past and present case studies that complicate the meaning and function of citizenship, including residual allegiance to empires, constitutional rights that are accessible to noncitizens, and the nonstate allegiance of nomadic nations. Their analyses consider the inconsistencies and exceptions of national citizenship as a political concept, such as overlapping jurisdictions and shared governance, as well as the emergent forms of sub- or supranational citizenships. Multilevel Citizenship captures the complexity of citizenship in practice, both at different levels and in different places and times.},
author = {Maas, Willem},
keywords = {Multinational firms},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{Multilevel citizenship}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{lundan2014transnational,
abstract = {Transnational Corporations and Transnational Governance examines the different kinds of distance-related barriers related to cross-border investment. Different forms of governance, whether inside the firm or as part of its network of external relationships, have the aim of reducing uncertainty and creating a more predictable environment.},
author = {Lundan, Sarianna},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Transnational corporations and transnational governance: the cost of crossing borders in the global economy}},
year = {2014}
}
@book{nolke2014multinational,
abstract = {The rise of multinational corporations (MNCs) from emerging markets has been a major development during the last decade. An important feature of emerging market MNCs is their close relationship with home states. The book investigates this special kind of relationship and explores how it affects the cross-border activities of these corporations.},
author = {N{\"{o}}lke, Andreas},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Multinational corporations from emerging markets: State capitalism 3.0}},
year = {2014}
}
@book{hunseler2013credit,
abstract = {Credit Portfolio Management is a topical text on approaches to the active management of credit risks. The book is a valuable, up to date guide for portfolio management practitioners. Its content comprises of three main parts: The framework for managing credit risks, Active Credit Portfolio Management in practice and Hedging techniques and toolkits.},
author = {H{\"{u}}nseler, Michael},
keywords = {Foreign portfolio investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Credit Portfolio Management: A Practitioner's Guide to the Active Management of Credit Risks}},
year = {2013}
}
@article{urbancorporations,
abstract = {President Theodore Roosevelt once proclaimed, "Great corporations exist only because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions, and it is therefore our right and duty to see that they work in harmony with those institutions." But while corporations are ostensibly regulated by citizens through their governments, the firms in turn regulate many aspects of social and political life for individuals beyond their own employees and the communities that support them. Corporations are endowed with many of the same rights as citizens, such as freedom of speech, but are not themselves typically constituted around ideals of national belonging and democracy. In the wake of the global financial collapse of 2008, the question of what relationship corporations should have to governing institutions has only increased in urgency. As a democratically sanctioned social institution, should a corporation operate primarily toward profit accumulation or should its proper goal be to provision society with needed goods and services? Corporations and Citizenship addresses the role of modern for-profit corporations as a distinctive kind of social formation within democratic national states. Scholars of legal studies, business ethics, politics, history, and anthropology bring their perspectives to bear on particular case studies, such as Enron and Wall Street, as well as broader issues of belonging, social responsibility, for-profit higher education, and regulation. Together, these essays establish a complex and detailed understanding of the ways corporations contribute positively to human well-being as well as the dangers that they pose.},
author = {Urban, Greg},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{Corporations and Citizenship}}
}
@book{schwab2018north,
abstract = {Jakob Schwab analyzes central mechanisms in the systematic economic interaction between rich and poor countries. He focuses on the drivers and effects of investment in developing countries and shows that predictions of standard economic analysis may turn around when accounting for peculiarities of North-South globalization. The author shows how endowments with educational skill levels may lead to complementarity between trade and capital inflows, how inflows of direct investment capital may hinder income growth in poor countries, and how the distributional effects of the presence of multinational enterprises are perceived differently in countries of different development structures.},
author = {Schwab, Jakob},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{North-South Globalization and Foreign Direct Investment: Essays in International Economics}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Miles2013,
abstract = {International investment law is a complex and dynamic field. Yet, the implications of its history are under explored. Kate Miles examines the historical evolution of international investment law, assessing its origins in the commercial and political expansionism of dominant states during the seventeenth to early twentieth centuries and the continued resonance of those origins within modern foreign investment protection law. In particular, the exploration of the activities of the Dutch East India Company, Grotius' treatises, and pre-World War II international investment disputes provides insight into current controversies surrounding the interplay of public and private interests, the systemic design of investor-state arbitration, the substantive focus of principles, and the treatment of environmental issues within international investment law. In adopting such an approach, this book provides a fresh conceptual framework through which contemporary issues can be examined and creates new understandings of those controversies.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Miles, Kate},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781139600279},
isbn = {9781139600279},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Origins of International Investment Law}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781139600279},
year = {2013}
}
@book{mintz2016polythink,
abstract = {Why do presidents and their advisors often make sub-optimal decisions on military intervention, escalation, de-escalation, and termination of conflicts? The leading concept of group dynamics, groupthink, offers one explanation: policy-making groups make sub-optimal decisions due to their desire for conformity and uniformity over dissent, leading to a failure to consider other relevant possibilities. But presidential advisory groups are often fragmented and divisive. This book therefore scrutinizes polythink, a group decision-making dynamic whereby different members in a decision-making unit espouse a plurality of opinions and divergent policy prescriptions, resulting in a disjointed decision-making process or even decision paralysis. The book analyzes eleven national security decisions, including the national security policy designed prior to the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the decisions to enter into and withdraw from Afghanistan and Iraq, the 2007 "surge" decision, the crisis over the Iranian nuclear program, the UN Security Council decision on the Syrian Civil War, the faltering Kerry Peace Process in the Middle East, and the U.S. decision on military operations against ISIS. Based on the analysis of these case studies, the authors address implications of the polythink phenomenon, including prescriptions for avoiding and/or overcoming it, and develop strategies and tools for what they call Productive Polythink. The authors also show the applicability of polythink to business, industry, and everyday decisions.},
author = {Mintz, Alex and Wayne, Carly},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{The polythink syndrome: US foreign policy decisions on 9/11, Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Syria, and ISIS}},
year = {2016}
}
@book{tijdens2013multinational,
abstract = {The Social Effects of FDI on Multinational Companies and Domestic Firms compares and contrasts wages, working conditions and industrial relations processes in multinational and domestic companies. This book is an effort to map the social effects of FDI in a number of EU member states, in relation to the prevailing patterns of internationalization.},
author = {Tijdens, K and Gregory, Denis and van Klaveren, Maarten},
keywords = {Domestic firms},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Multinational companies and domestic firms in Europe: comparing wages, working conditions and industrial relations}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{ten2019china,
abstract = {Since 1978, the end of the Mao era, economic growth in China has outperformed every previous economic expansion in modern history. While the largest Western economies continue to struggle with the effects of the deepest recession since World War II, the People's Republic of China still enjoys growth rates that are massive in comparison. In the country's smog-choked cities, a chaotic climate of buying and selling prevails. Tireless expansion and inventiveness join forces with an attitude of national euphoria in which anything seems possible. No longer merely the "workshop of the world," China is poised to become a global engine for innovation. In China's Capitalism, Tobias ten Brink considers the history of the socioeconomic order that has emerged in the People's Republic. With empirical evidence and a theoretical foundation based in comparative and international political economy, ten Brink analyzes the main characteristics of China's socioeconomic system over time, identifies the key dynamics shaping this system's structure, and discusses current trends in further capitalist development. He argues that hegemonic state-business alliances mostly at the local level, relative homogeneity of party-state elites, the maintenance of a low-wage regime, and unanticipated coincidences between domestic and global processes are the driving forces behind China's rise. He also surveys the limits to the state's influence over economic and social developments such as industrial overcapacity and social conflict. Ten Brink's framework reveals how combinations of three heterogeneous actors—party-state institutions, firms, and workers—led to China's distinctive form of capitalism. Presenting a coherent and historically nuanced portrait, China's Capitalism is essential reading for anyone interested in the socioeconomic order of the People's Republic and the significant challenges facing its continuing development.},
author = {{Ten Brink}, Tobias},
keywords = {Domestic firms},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{China's Capitalism: A Paradoxical Route to Economic Prosperity}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{iwanicz2018foreign,
abstract = {This book provides an in-depth analysis of the role of foreign-owned banks for credit growth, financial stability and economic growth in the post-communist European countries. Using data covering 20 countries over the period from 1995 to 2015, the authors analyse the evolution of banking sectors in CESEE after the transformation in the historical context. This helps draw a new picture of the role of financial development and EU accession in that region, being also a lesson for other countries or regions in transition. Additionally, as the Global Financial Crisis has left a stigma in banking sectors, the book shows its impact on the post-communist banking sectors. As the foreign banks dominate the banking sectors in CESEE countries (the stake of foreign-owned banks is below 50{\%} of assets in only five out of 20 countries), their strategies materially impact the development of CESEE banking sectors, which warrants our scientific exploration. Arriving at a clear concluding point of view on the role of foreign-owned banks and providing insights for future policy of CESEEs towards foreign presence in their banking sectors, this book should be of interest to academics, students, and policymakers.},
author = {Iwanicz-Drozdowska, Ma{\l}gorzata and Bongini, Paola and Witkowski, Bartosz Smaga Pawe{\l}and},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Foreign-Owned Banks: The Role of Ownership in Post-Communist European Countries}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Wellhausen2014,
abstract = {There is extraordinary variation in how governments treat multinational corporations in emerging economies; in fact, governments around the world have nationalized or eaten away at the value of foreign-owned property in violation of international treaties. This even occurs in poor countries, where governments are expected to, at a minimum, respect the contracts they make with foreign firms lest foreign capital flee. In The Shield of Nationality, Rachel Wellhausen introduces foreign-firm nationality as a key determinant of firms' responses to government breaches of contract. Firms of the same nationality are likely to see a compatriot's broken contract as a forewarning of their own problems, leading them to take flight or fight. In contrast, firms of other nationalities are likely to meet the broken contract with apparent indifference. Evidence includes quantitative analysis and case studies that draw on field research in Ukraine, Moldova, and Romania.},
address = {New York},
author = {Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316014547},
isbn = {9781316014547},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Shield of Nationality}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781316014547},
year = {2014}
}
@book{ruland2017indonesian,
abstract = {On December 31, 2015, the ten-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) ushered in a new era with the founding of the ASEAN Community (AC). The culmination of 12 years of intensive preparation, the AC was both a historic initiative and an unprecedented step toward the area's regional integration. Political commentators and media outlets, however, greeted its establishment with little fanfare. Implicitly and explicitly, they suggested that the AC was only the beginning: Southeast Asia, they seemed to say, was taking its first steps on a linear process of unification that would converge on the model of the European Union. In The Indonesian Way, J{\"{u}}rgen R{\"{u}}land challenges this previously unquestioned diffusion of European norms. Focusing on the reception of ASEAN in Indonesia, R{\"{u}}land traces how foreign policy stakeholders in government, civil society, the legislature, academe, the press, and the business sector have responded to calls for ASEAN's Europeanization, ultimately fusing them with their own distinctly Indonesian form of regionalism. His analysis reframes the nature of ASEAN as well as the discipline of international relations more broadly, writing a narrative of regional integration and norm diffusion that breaks free of Eurocentric thought.},
author = {R{\"{u}}land, J{\"{u}}rgen},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{The Indonesian Way: ASEAN, Europeanization, and Foreign Policy Debates in a New Democracy}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{wright2013corporation,
abstract = {From bank bailouts and corporate scandals to the financial panic of 2008 and its lingering effects, corporate governance in America has been wracked by crises. Amid a weakening system of checks and balances in which corporate executives have little incentive to protect shareholder interests, U.S. corporations are growing larger and more irresponsible at the same time. But dependence on corporate profit was crucial to the early republic's growth, success, and security: despite protests that incorporated business was an inefficient and potentially corrupting system, U.S. state governments chartered more corporations per capita than any other nation—including Britain—effectively making the United States a "corporation nation." Drawing on legal and economic history, Robert E. Wright traces the development and decline of corporate institutions in America, connecting today's financial failures to deteriorating corporate law. In the nineteenth century, checks and balances kept managerial interests aligned with those of stockholders, and public opinion grew supportive as corporations raised billions of dollars to finance infrastructure such as transportation networks, financial systems, and manufacturing operations. But many of these checks and balances were dismantled after the Civil War, creating a space for the managerial malfeasance that spiraled into economic crisis in the twenty-first century. Bolstered with archival and original data, including the first complete count of American business corporations before the Civil War, Corporation Nation makes a compelling argument for improved internal governance and more effective external government regulation.},
author = {Wright, Robert E},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{Corporation nation}},
year = {2013}
}
@incollection{Franck2019,
abstract = {Chapter 1 introduces the contents of the book by framing the context of international investment more broadly, contextualizing investment-related conflict management, identifying the issues related to cost, and exploring how cognitive psychology and data-driven analysis can offer a frame for considering the relative value of normative reform. After the initial framing, Chapter 1 provides an overview of international investment, with a historic context and a matrix for understanding the current dispute resolution options to set the stage for consideration of alternatives. It then describes ITA's doctrinal foundation to explore the debate about the costs and benefits of ITA. The final section addresses the need to appreciate the relative value of policy options to make grounded, evidence-based normative choices for investment treaty dispute resolution.},
author = {Franck, Susan D.},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Franck - 2019 - Introduction to Investment Treaty Arbitration (ITA) and Framing the Debate.pdf:pdf},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Introduction to Investment Treaty Arbitration (ITA) and Framing the Debate}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{juma2015labor,
abstract = {This book expresses the reasons to embark on a production management system and begin a journey to a better social and economic life in Puerto Rico. Among the population of Puerto Rico there is a simultaneous presence of a high rate of unemployment and a well-educated workforce. How has this happened? How could the country overcome this economic situation and return to a path of sustainable economic growth in the short and long term? The study here presented introduces an objective and scientific input on these economic issues that are impacting the Puerto Rican society. Achieve greater economic and social welfare in a geographic area is based on increasing individual productivity that workers and employees can unfold in different workplaces, business and industries. The increase in productivity of the economy of Puerto Rico requires both individual effort and enterprise work.},
author = {Juma'h, Ahmad H and Morales-Rodriguez, Doris and Llor{\'{e}}ns-Rivera, Antonio},
keywords = {Multinational enterprises},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Labor Markets and Multinational Enterprises in Puerto Rico: Foreign Direct Investment Influences and Sustainable Growth}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{trakman2013regionalism,
abstract = {Regionalism in International Investment Law provides a multinational perspective on international investment law. In it, distinguished academics and practitioners provide a critical and comprehensive understanding of issues in a field which has grown exponentially in its importance particularly over the last decade, focusing on the European Union, Australia, North America, Asia, and China.

The book approaches the field of foreign direct investment from both academic and practical viewpoints and analyzes different bilateral, regional, and multinational agreements, often yielding competing perspectives. The academic perspective yields a strong conceptual foundation to often misunderstood elements of international investment law, while the practical perspective aids those actively pursuing foreign direct investment in better understanding the landscape, identifying potential conflicts which may arise, in more accurately assessing the risk underlying the issues in conflict and in resolving those issues.

Thorny issues relating to global commerce, sovereignty, regulation, expropriation, dispute resolution, and investor protections are covered, depicting how they have developed and are applied in different regions of the world. These different treatments ensure that readers are able grasp the subject matter at multiple levels and provide a comprehensive overview of developments in the field of foreign direct investment.},
author = {Trakman, Leon and Ranieri, Nicola},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Regionalism in international investment law}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{darden2020aiding,
abstract = {The United States is the world's leading foreign aid donor. Yet there has been little inquiry into how such assistance affects the politics and societies of recipient nations. Drawing on four decades of data on U.S. economic and military aid, Aiding and Abetting explores whether foreign aid does more harm than good. Jessica Trisko Darden challenges long-standing ideas about aid and its consequences, and highlights key patterns in the relationship between assistance and violence. She persuasively demonstrates that many of the foreign aid policy challenges the U.S. faced in the Cold War era, such as the propping up of dictators friendly to U.S. interests, remain salient today. Historical case studies of Indonesia, El Salvador, and South Korea illustrate how aid can uphold human freedoms or propagate human rights abuses. Aiding and Abetting encourages both advocates and critics of foreign assistance to reconsider its political and social consequences by focusing international aid efforts on the expansion of human freedom.},
author = {Darden, Jessica Trisko},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Aiding and Abetting: US Foreign Assistance and State Violence}},
year = {2020}
}
@book{peters2017trading,
abstract = {Why have countries increasingly restricted immigration even when they have opened their markets to foreign competition through trade or allowed their firms to move jobs overseas? In Trading Barriers, Margaret Peters argues that the increased ability of firms to produce anywhere in the world combined with growing international competition due to lowered trade barriers has led to greater limits on immigration. Peters explains that businesses relying on low-skill labor have been the major proponents of greater openness to immigrants. Immigration helps lower costs, making these businesses more competitive at home and abroad. However, increased international competition, due to lower trade barriers and greater economic development in the developing world, has led many businesses in wealthy countries to close or move overseas. Productivity increases have allowed those firms that have chosen to remain behind to do more with fewer workers. Together, these changes in the international economy have sapped the crucial business support necessary for more open immigration policies at home, empowered anti-immigrant groups, and spurred greater controls on migration. Debunking the commonly held belief that domestic social concerns are the deciding factor in determining immigration policy, Trading Barriers demonstrates the important and influential role played by international trade and capital movements.},
author = {Peters, Margaret E.},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{Trading Barriers: Immigration and the Remaking of Globalization}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{sharman2020outsourcing,
abstract = {From Spanish conquistadors to British colonialists, the prevailing story of European empire-building has focused on the rival ambitions of competing states. But as Outsourcing Empires shows, from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries, company-states—not sovereign states—drove European expansion, building the world's first genuinely international system. Company-states were hybrid ventures: pioneering multinational trading firms run for profit, with founding charters that granted them sovereign powers of war, peace, and rule. Those like the English and Dutch East India Companies carved out corporate empires in Asia, while other company-states pushed forward European expansion through North America, Africa, and the South Pacific. In this comparative exploration, Andrew Phillips and J. C. Sharman explain the rise and fall of company-states, why some succeeded while others failed, and their role as vanguards of capitalism and imperialism.

In dealing with alien civilizations to the East and West, Europeans relied primarily on company-states to mediate geographic and cultural distances in trade and diplomacy. Emerging as improvised solutions to bridge the gap between European rulers' expansive geopolitical ambitions and their scarce means, company-states succeeded best where they could balance the twin imperatives of power and profit. Yet as European states strengthened from the late eighteenth century onward, and a sense of separate public and private spheres grew, the company-states lost their usefulness and legitimacy.

Bringing a fresh understanding to the ways cross-cultural relations were handled across the oceans, Outsourcing Empire examines the significance of company-states as key progenitors of the globalized world.},
author = {Sharman, Jason},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{Outsourcing Empire: How Company-States Made the Modern World}},
year = {2020}
}
@book{cuervo2017state,
abstract = {This book provides a deep understanding of state-owned multinationals (SOMNCs) and their role in global business. SOMNCs have emerged as a force to contend with in global competition, and their study connects several fields such as economics, political economy, international business and global strategy. This prestigious collection of articles presents insights into the interaction between government ownership and internationalization, and aims to provoke new research approaches and insights on the topic. The book includes some of the key contributions to our understanding of these firms and new commentaries explaining how to analyze them. This book is essential reading for academics and consultants looking to gain a clearer understanding of SOMNCs and how to research them.},
author = {Cuervo-Cazurra, Alvaro},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{State-owned multinationals: Governments in global business}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{Suttle2018,
abstract = {What does justice demand in international trade regulation? And how far does World Trade Organization (WTO) law respond to those demands? Whether our focus is developing countries, struggling industries, or environmental protection, distributive conflict is a pervasive feature of international economic law. Despite this, we lack an adequate theory of distributive justice for this domain. Drawing on philosophical approaches to global justice, this book advances a novel theory of justice in trade regulation, and applies this to explain and critique the law of the WTO. Integrating theoretical and doctrinal approaches, it demonstrates the potential for political theory to illuminate and inform the progressive development of WTO law, including rules on border measures, discrimination, trade remedies and domestic regulation. Written from an interdisciplinary perspective, accessible to lawyers, philosophers and political scientists, the book will appeal both to theorists interested in building bridges from theory to practice, and practitioners seeking new perspectives on existing problems.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Suttle, Oisin},
doi = {10.1017/9781108235235},
isbn = {9781108235235},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Distributive Justice and World Trade Law}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781108235235},
year = {2018}
}
@book{de2018judge,
abstract = {What remains anti-democratic in our criminal justice systems, and where does it come from? Geoffroy de Lagasnerie spent years sitting in on trials, watching as individuals were judged and sentenced for armed robbery, assault, rape, and murder. His experience led to this original reflection on the penal state, power, and violence that identifies a paradox in the way justice is exercised in liberal democracies. In order to pronounce a judgment, a trial must construct an individualizing story of actors and their acts; but in order to punish, each act between individuals must be transformed into an aggression against society as a whole, against the state itself. The law is often presented as the reign of reason over passion. Instead, it leads to trauma, dispossession, and violence. Only by overturning our inherited legal fictions can we envision forms of truer justice. Combining narratives of real trials with theoretical analysis, Judge and Punish shows that juridical institutions are not merely a response to crime. The state claims to guarantee our security, yet from our birth, we also belong to it. The criminal trial, a magnifying mirror, reveals our true condition as political subjects.},
author = {{De Lagasnerie}, Geoffroy},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Judge and Punish: The Penal State on Trial}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{bijaoui2017multinational,
abstract = {This book analyzes the current economic situations in African countries at the local, regional, and national level. It examines the growing interest from developed and developing countries to invest in Africa and their different reasons for doing so, which aren't always aligned with the interests of African countries. Growth in African GDP has benefitted mainly multinational corporations while the rest of the population remains at the subsistence level, creating a smaller middle class and less opportunity for local businesses to flourish. This book offers potential models of cooperation which could create added value for both African countries and the MNCs investing in them.},
author = {Bijaoui, Ilan},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Multinational interest {\&} development in Africa: establishing a people's economy}},
year = {2017}
}
@techreport{regalia2020regulating,
abstract = {Exploring the diversity of small firms, this contributed volume focuses on the crucial topic of work and the ways in which it is regulated, and offers reflections on the future of labour more generally. Traditionally managed through informal and adaptive processes, small firms allow us to understand the challenges and opportunities facing larger companies within an increasingly fragmented global production system. Analysing the case of Italy, a country characterised by a high number and wide variety of small firms, the authors draw on the results of a survey involving over 2,300 firms and face-to-face interviews with owner-managers working in 60 small and micro firms across several different sectors. Providing detailed analysis which will be useful for scholars of human resource management and small business, as well as managers, practitioners and policy-makers, the book enables a better understanding of the world of work in a globalised economy.},
author = {Regalia, Ida},
institution = {Springer},
keywords = {Multinational firms},
title = {{Regulating Work in Small Firms}},
year = {2020}
}
@book{kang2017international,
abstract = {In this book, Korean multinational enterprises management strategies in China are analyzed. China is re centering Asia around its newfound economic might, even as neighboring countries such as Japan and Korea will remain more economically developed for generations to come. How do Asian companies adapt to the Chinese market? In this fascinating study, Haiying Kang and Jie Shen investigate how Korean enterprises have adapted human resources practices to the evolving corporate climate in China. Unorthodox blends of culture, legal expectations, and more make the market a truly interesting one to explore HRM practices on the margins. Compelling for academics in HRM but also related social sciences, HR practitioners, and corporate leaders alike, this book is a timely look at new Asian corporate cultures.},
author = {Kang, Haiying and Shen, Jie},
keywords = {Multinational enterprises},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{International Human Resource Management in South Korean Multinational Enterprises}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{coglianese2014does,
abstract = {As millions of Americans struggle to find work in the wake of the Great Recession, politicians from both parties look to regulation in search of an economic cure. Some claim that burdensome regulations undermine private sector competitiveness and job growth, while others argue that tough new regulations actually create jobs at the same time that they provide other benefits. Does Regulation Kill Jobs? reveals the complex reality of regulation that supports neither partisan view. Leading legal scholars, economists, political scientists, and policy analysts show that individual regulations can at times induce employment shifts across firms, sectors, and regions—but regulation overall is neither a prime job killer nor a key job creator. The challenge for policymakers is to look carefully at individual regulatory proposals to discern any job shifting they may cause and then to make regulatory decisions sensitive to anticipated employment effects. Drawing on their analyses, contributors recommend methods for obtaining better estimates of job impacts when evaluating regulatory costs and benefits. They also assess possible ways of reforming regulatory institutions and processes to take better account of employment effects in policy decision-making. Does Regulation Kills Jobs? tackles what has become a heated partisan issue with exactly the kind of careful analysis policymakers need in order to make better policy decisions, providing insights that will benefit both politicians and citizens who seek economic growth as well as the protection of public health and safety, financial security, environmental sustainability, and other civic goals.},
author = {Coglianese, Cary and Finkel, Adam M and Carrigan, Christopher},
keywords = {Domestic firms},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{Does regulation kill jobs?}},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Graham2019,
abstract = {Once viewed as a "brain drain," migrants are increasingly viewed as a resource for promoting economic development back in their home countries. In Investing in the Homeland, Benjamin Graham finds that diasporans—migrants and their descendants—play a critical role in linking foreign firms to social networks in developing countries, allowing firms to flourish even in challenging political environments most foreign investors shun. Graham's analysis draws on new data from face-to-face interviews with the managers of over 450 foreign firms operating in two developing countries: Georgia and the Philippines. Diaspora-owned and diaspora-managed firms are better connected than other foreign firms and they use social ties to resolve disputes and influence government policy. At the same time, Graham shows that diaspora-affiliated firms are no more socially responsible than their purely foreign peers—at root, they are profit-seeking enterprises, not development NGOs. Graham identifies implications for policymakers seeking to capture the development potential of diaspora investment and for managers of multinational firms who want to harness diasporans as a source of sustained competitive advantage.},
address = {Ann Arbor, MI},
author = {Graham, Benjamin A.T.},
doi = {10.3998/mpub.10011255},
isbn = {9780472131150},
publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
title = {{Investing in the Homeland}},
url = {https://hdl.handle.net/2027/fulcrum.v405sb73c},
year = {2019}
}
@book{miller2013wronged,
abstract = {Although India and China have very different experiences of colonialism, they respond to that history in a similar way—by treating it as a collective trauma. As a result they have a strong sense of victimization that affects their foreign policy decisions even today. Wronged by Empire breaks new ground by blending this historical phenomenon, colonialism, with mixed methods—including archival research, newspaper data mining, and a new statistical method of content analysis—to explain the foreign policy choices of India and China: two countries that are continuously discussed but very rarely rigorously compared. By reference to their colonial past, Manjari Chatterjee Miller explains their puzzling behavior today. More broadly, she argues that the transformative historical experience of a large category of actors—ex-colonies, who have previously been neglected in the study of international relations—can be used as a method to categorize states in the international system. In the process Miller offers a more inclusive way to analyze states than do traditional theories of international relations.},
author = {Miller, Manjari Chatterjee},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Wronged by empire: Post-imperial ideology and foreign policy in India and China}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{parrenas2015servants,
abstract = {Servants of Globalization offers a groundbreaking study of migrant Filipino domestic workers who leave their own families behind to do the caretaking work of the global economy. Since its initial publication, the book has informed countless students and scholars and set the research agenda on labor migration and transnational families. With this second edition, Rhacel Salazar Parre{\~{n}}as returns to Rome and Los Angeles to consider how the migrant communities have changed. Children have now joined their parents. Male domestic workers are present in significantly greater numbers. And, perhaps most troubling, the population has aged, presenting new challenges for the increasingly elderly domestic workers. New chapters discuss these three increasingly important constituencies. The entire book has been revised and updated, and a new introduction offers a global, comparative overview of the citizenship status of migrant domestic workers. Servants of Globalization remains the defining work on the international division of reproductive labor.},
author = {Parre{\~{n}}as, Rhacel},
keywords = {Domestic firms},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Servants of globalization: Migration and domestic work}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{richet2014strategies,
abstract = {This contributed volume seeks to provide a unique window on the globalization process by analyzing the dynamics of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Europe and Asia, as well as its influence on the renewal of public policies and regulations, both transnational and local. It discusses the link between the trans-nationalization of productive and business systems and the renewal of local regulations in the light of concerns over competitiveness and attractiveness, as well as new social tensions. Multinational corporations (MNCs) as key actors of globalization are central for understanding the new interactions between the global, regional and local dimensions as well as for highlighting the challenges of regulation both at transnational level and within national boundaries. Research approaches along two broad lines are presented: First, a theoretical and empirical approach that examines links between the strategies of multinationals and local public policy in order to contribute to a better understanding of the institutional dynamics of social regulation. Second, a comparative approach that compares regional spaces, with particular attention to Europe on the one hand, and to the two great emerging powers, China and India, on the other.},
author = {Richet, Xavier and Delteil, Violaine and Dieuaide, Patrick},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {Springer Science {\&} Business Media},
title = {{Strategies of multinational corporations and social regulations: European and Asian Perspectives}},
year = {2014}
}
@book{coleman2017applied,
abstract = {Institutions now dominate trading in equities around the world. Mutual funds are the most prominent, and doubly important as custodians of retirement savings. Despite this, there is no comprehensive description of fund manager behaviour, much less a matching theory. This is troubling because one of the most economically significant puzzles in finance is why experienced, well-resourced fund managers cannot outperform the market. Applied Investment Theory: How Equity Markets Behave, and Why brings together academic research, empirical evidence and real market experience to provide new insights into equity markets and their behaviours. The book draws upon the author's rich industry experience and academic research, plus over 40 interviews with fund managers on three continents and across different markets. The result is an innovative model that explains the puzzle of poor performance by mutual funds in terms of structural features of markets, the managed investment industry, and the conduct of fund managers. This book provides a fully integrated depiction of what markets and investors do, and why – insights that will resonate with the needs of investors, wealth managers and industry regulators. It is fully documented, but free of jargon and arcane math, and provides a grounded theory that is relevant to anyone who wants to pierce the opacity of mutual fund operations. Applied Investment Theory sets out a new paradigm in investment that is at the forefront of what should be an industrial-scale development of new finance theory following two decades of almost back-to-back financial crises.},
author = {Coleman, Les},
keywords = {Foreign portfolio investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Applied Investment Theory: How Markets and Investors Behave, and Why}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{zhang2014foreign,
abstract = {This book links the environment and corruption with China's large inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI). It investigates the effects of economic development and foreign investment on pollution in China; the effects of corruption and governance quality on FDI location choice in China.},
author = {Zhang, Jing},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Foreign direct investment, governance, and the environment in China: Regional dimensions}},
year = {2014}
}
@book{dzedek2018initiatives,
abstract = {In the field of international business, it is increasingly recognized that Multinational Corporations (MNCs) can no longer rely on headquarters as the single source of competitive advantage. Therefore, growing interest centers on decentralized entrepreneurial initiatives that originate in their network of foreign subsidiaries. Based on an extensive review of literature, Lars R. Dzedek develops a comprehensive framework to help explain how the setting in which a foreign subsidiary operates impacts its entrepreneurial initiatives and outcomes. The author conducts an empirical investigation in 14 foreign units of two large MNCs and offers detailed case studies with rich insights into entrepreneurial subsidiary activities.},
author = {Dzedek, Lars R},
keywords = {Multinational corporations},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Initiatives by subsidiaries of multinational corporations: An empirical study on the influence of subsidiary role context}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{seelos2017innovation,
abstract = {Innovation and Scaling for Impact forces us to reassess how social sector organizations create value. Drawing on a decade of research, Christian Seelos and Johanna Mair transcend widely held misconceptions, getting to the core of what a sound impact strategy entails in the nonprofit world. They reveal an overlooked nexus between investments that might not pan out (innovation) and expansion based on existing strengths (scaling). In the process, it becomes clear that managing this tension is a difficult balancing act that fundamentally defines an organization and its impact. The authors examine innovation pathologies that can derail organizations by thwarting their efforts to juggle these imperatives. Then, through four rich case studies, they detail innovation archetypes that effectively sidestep these pathologies and blend innovation with scaling. Readers will come away with conceptual models to drive progress in the social sector and tools for defining the future of their organizations.},
author = {Seelos, Christian and Mair, Johanna},
keywords = {Multinational enterprises},
publisher = {Stanford university press},
title = {{Innovation and scaling for impact: How effective social enterprises do it}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{wilson2016destructive,
abstract = {During World War II, the United States helped vanquish the Axis powers by converting its enormous economic capacities into military might. Producing nearly two-thirds of all the munitions used by Allied forces, American industry became what President Franklin D. Roosevelt called "the arsenal of democracy." Crucial in this effort were business leaders. Some of these captains of industry went to Washington to coordinate the mobilization, while others led their companies to churn out weapons. In this way, the private sector won the war—or so the story goes. Based on new research in business and military archives, Destructive Creation shows that the enormous mobilization effort relied not only on the capacities of private companies but also on massive public investment and robust government regulation. This public-private partnership involved plenty of government-business cooperation, but it also generated antagonism in the American business community that had lasting repercussions for American politics. Many business leaders, still engaged in political battles against the New Deal, regarded the wartime government as an overreaching regulator and a threatening rival. In response, they mounted an aggressive campaign that touted the achievements of for-profit firms while dismissing the value of public-sector contributions. This probusiness story about mobilization was a political success, not just during the war, but afterward, as it shaped reconversion policy and the transformation of the American military-industrial complex. Offering a groundbreaking account of the inner workings of the "arsenal of democracy," Destructive Creation also suggests how the struggle to define its heroes and villains has continued to shape economic and political development to the present day.},
author = {Wilson, Mark R},
keywords = {Domestic firms},
publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
title = {{Destructive creation: American business and the winning of World War II}},
year = {2016}
}
@misc{terraza2013understanding,
abstract = {In light of recent financial crises, the role of investment funds is a recurring subject for discussion. Traditional methods must be adapted with the objective to strengthen scientific knowledge of investment funds. This book provides new insights, ideas and empirical evidence to improve tools and methods for fund performance analysis.},
author = {Terraza, Virginie and Razafitombo, Hery},
keywords = {Foreign portfolio investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Understanding Investment Funds}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{vlvcek2019russian,
abstract = {This book analyzes motivation, investments, and influence of the Russian Federation and Russian companies in the European oil sector, specifically, the Southeastern Europe. The main idea of the book is to highlight economic and political logic of the Russian activities in the oil sector as well as to provide a brief analysis of the situation in the natural gas sector. The findings help to understand the general code of conduct of Russian energy companies and their potential ties to their homeland government. This project will appeal to academics, researchers, graduate students, field professionals, and everyone who is interested in Russian and European geopolitics.},
author = {Vl{\v{c}}ek, Tom{\'{a}}{\v{s}} and Jiru{\v{s}}ek, Martin},
keywords = {Multinational enterprises},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Russian Oil Enterprises in Europe: Investments and Regional Influence}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{bonnitcha2017political,
abstract = {Investment treaties are some of the most controversial but least understood instruments of global economic governance. Public interest in international investment arbitration is growing and some developed and developing countries are beginning to revisit their investment treaty policies. The Political Economy of the Investment Treaty Regime synthesises and advances the growing literature on this subject by integrating legal, economic, and political perspectives. Based on an analysis of the substantive and procedural rights conferred by investment treaties, it asks four basic questions. What are the costs and benefits of investment treaties for investors, states, and other stakeholders? Why did developed and developing countries sign the treaties? Why should private arbitrators be allowed to review public regulations passed by states? And what is the relationship between the investment treaty regime and the broader regime complex that governs international investment? Through a concise, but comprehensive, analysis, this book fills in some of the many "blind spots" of academics from different disciplines, and is the first port of call for lawyers, investors, policy-makers, and stakeholders trying to make sense of these critical instruments governing investor-state relations.},
author = {Bonnitcha, Jonathan and Poulsen, Lauge N Skovgaard and Waibel, Michael},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The political economy of the investment treaty regime}},
year = {2017}
}
@book{huang2016managing,
abstract = {China's outward foreign direct investment, for which Australia is one of the largest destinations, has rapidly increased and become an important source of global capital. Nevertheless, Chinese investors have encountered many challenges in making their investment decisions and managing their foreign direct investments for sustainable development and profitability. Managing Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment focuses on the management of Chinese outward foreign direct investment, particularly foreign subsidiaries established through merger and acquisition, at the organisational level. Considering investment as a process, the book addresses complex managerial issues from strategic entry decisions to corporate sustainable development. Particular emphases have been placed on the post-acquisition integration and management such as liability of foreignness mitigation, post-acquisition integration, corporate control and governance, human resources and cross-cultural management, and corporate social responsibility.},
author = {Huang, Xueli and Zhu, Ying},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Managing Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment}},
year = {2016}
}
@book{Pinto2013,
abstract = {This book develops a partisan theory of foreign direct investment (FDI) to explain cross-country and temporal variance in the regulation of foreign investment and in the amount of FDI inflows that countries receive. The author explores the host governments' partisan alignment, whether pro-labor or pro-capital, to determine if they will be more open or closed to FDI. To reach this determination, the book derives the conditions under which investment flows should be expected to affect the relative demand for the services supplied by economic actors in host countries. Based on these expected distributive consequences, a political economy model of the regulation of FDI and changes in investment performance within countries and over time is developed. The theory is tested using both cross-national statistical analysis and two case studies exploring the development of the foreign investment regimes and their performance over the past century in Argentina and South Korea.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Pinto, Pablo M.},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781139094078},
isbn = {9781139094078},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Partisan Investment in the Global Economy}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781139094078},
year = {2013}
}
@book{StJohn2018,
abstract = {Today, investor-state arbitration embodies the worst fears of those concerned about runaway globalization-a far cry from its framers' intentions. Why did governments create a special legal system in which foreign investors can bring cases directly against states? This book takes readers through the key decisions that created investor-state arbitration, drawing on internal documents from several governments and extensive interviews to illustrate the politics behind this new legal system. The corporations and law firms that dominate investor-state arbitration today were not present at its creation. In fact, there was almost no lobbying from investors. Nor did powerful states have a strong preference for it. Nor was it created because there was evidence that it facilitates investment-there was no such evidence. International officials with peacebuilding and development aims drove the rise of investor-state arbitration. This book puts forward a new historical institutionalist explanation to illuminate how the actions of these officials kicked off a process of gradual institutional development. While these officials anticipated many developments, including an enormous caseload from investment treaties, over time this institutional framework they created has been put to new purposes by different actors. Institutions do not determine the purposes to which they may be put, and this book's analysis illustrates how unintended consequences emerge and why institutions persist regardless.},
author = {{St John}, Taylor},
doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198789918.001.0001},
isbn = {9780198789918},
issn = {1226-3508},
keywords = {Bilateral Investment Treaties,Gradual institutional development,Historical Institutionalism,ICSID,International Investment Law,Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS),Investor-state arbitration,World Bank},
month = {apr},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{The Rise of Investor-State Arbitration}},
url = {http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780198789918.001.0001/oso-9780198789918},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Elsig2019,
abstract = {Today's trade regime and its rules are under pressure. Increasing societal discontent with globalization and the rise of protectionist measures threaten the trade regime's legitimacy and effectiveness. The authors explore systemic challenges to the trade regime, inter alia, related to development, migration, inequality, the digital economy and climate change. The Shifting Landscape of Global Trade Governance allows the readers, in times of change, to put current developments into context and offers an understanding of the different dynamics defining today's regulation of the global economy. Chapters authored by leading researchers from different disciplines - law, political science and economics - address the challenges of the global economic system and share novel outlooks, both theory- and data-based, for the future.},
doi = {10.1017/9781108757683},
editor = {Elsig, Manfred and Hahn, Michael and Spilker, Gabriele},
isbn = {9781108757683},
month = {aug},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Shifting Landscape of Global Trade Governance}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108757683/type/book},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Ye2014,
abstract = {This book offers a comparative and historical analysis of foreign direct investment (FDI) liberalization in China and India and explains how the return of these countries' diasporas affects such liberalization. It examines diasporic investment from Western FDIs and finds that diasporas, rather than Western nations, have fueled globalization in the two Asian giants. In China, diasporas contributed the lion's share of FDI inflows. In India, returned diasporas were bridges for, and initiators of, Western investment at home. Min Ye illustrates that diasporic entrepreneurs helped to build China into the world's manufacturing powerhouse and that Indian diasporas facilitated their homeland's success in software services development.},
address = {New York},
author = {Ye, Min},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781107286214},
isbn = {9781107286214},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Diasporas and Foreign Direct Investment in China and India}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781107286214},
year = {2014}
}
@book{wu2019reforming,
abstract = {This book argues that the trade-distorting effects of advantages associated with SOEs are more severe from an economic perspective, and the behavior of SOEs after receiving advantages is of more concern, compared to private-owned enterprises (POEs). The premise is that the existence of SOEs per se is not the essential problem; rather, the underlying problems are (i) the disproportionate granting of advantages to SOEs (compared to POEs) and (ii) the behavior of SOEs once they receive advantages. The book offers a systematic analysis focusing on the various advantages granted to SOEs and their subsequent behavior. Its detailed analysis reveals the inadequacy of current WTO rules and is complemented by a number of concrete proposals.},
author = {Wu, Yingying},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Reforming WTO rules on state-owned enterprises}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Grossman2018,
abstract = {One of the most noted developments in international law over the past twenty years is the proliferation of international courts and tribunals. They decide who has the right to exploit natural resources, define the scope of human rights, delimit international boundaries and determine when the use of force is prohibited. As the number and influence of international courts grow, so too do challenges to their legitimacy. This volume provides new interdisciplinary insights into international courts' legitimacy: what drives and undermines the legitimacy of these bodies? How do drivers change depending on the court concerned? What is the link between legitimacy, democracy, effectiveness and justice? Top international experts analyse legitimacy for specific international courts, as well as the links between legitimacy and cross-cutting themes. Failure to understand and respond to legitimacy concerns can endanger both the courts and the law they interpret and apply.},
doi = {10.1017/9781108529570},
editor = {Grossman, Nienke and Cohen, Harlan Grant and Follesdal, Andreas and Ulfstein, Geir},
isbn = {9781108529570},
month = {feb},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Legitimacy and International Courts}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108529570/type/book},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Toohey2015,
abstract = {The enormous economic power of the People's Republic of China makes it one of the most important actors in the international system. Since China's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001, all fields of international economic law have been impacted by greater Chinese participation. Now, just over one decade later, the question remains as to whether China's unique characteristics make its engagement fundamentally different from that of other players. In this volume, well-known scholars from outside China consider the country's approach to international economic law. In addition to the usual foci of trade and investment, the authors also consider monetary law, finance, competition law, and intellectual property. What emerges is a rare portrait of China's strategy across the full spectrum of international economic activity.},
address = {Cambridge},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781107449480},
editor = {Toohey, Lisa and Picker, Colin and Greenacre, Jonathan},
isbn = {9781107449480},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{China in the International Economic Order}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781107449480},
year = {2015}
}
@book{yang2015unknotting,
abstract = {Since the mid-1990s, as China has downsized and privatized its state-owned enterprises, severe unemployment has created a new class of urban poor and widespread social and psychological disorders. In Unknotting the Heart, Jie Yang examines this understudied group of workers and their experiences of being laid off, "counseled," and then reoriented to the market economy. Using fieldwork from reemployment programs, community psychosocial work, and psychotherapy training sessions in Beijing between 2002 and 2013, Yang highlights the role of psychology in state-led interventions to alleviate the effects of mass unemployment. She pays particular attention to those programs that train laid-off workers in basic psychology and then reemploy them as informal "counselors" in their capacity as housemaids and taxi drivers. These laid-off workers are filling a niche market created by both economic restructuring and the shortage of professional counselors in China, helping the government to defuse intensified class tension and present itself as a nurturing and kindly power. In reality, Yang argues, this process creates both new political complicity and new conflicts, often along gender lines. Women are forced to use the moral virtues and work ethics valued under the former socialist system, as well as their experiences of overcoming depression and suffering, as resources for their new psychological care work. Yang focuses on how the emotions, potentials, and "hearts" of these women have become sites of regulation, market expansion, and political imagination.},
author = {Yang, Jie},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Cornell University Press},
title = {{Unknotting the heart: Unemployment and therapeutic governance in China}},
year = {2015}
}
@book{silver2018shifting,
abstract = {As politicians debate how to address the estimated eleven million unauthorized immigrants residing in the United States, undocumented youth anxiously await the next policy shift that will determine their futures. From one day to the next, their dreams are as likely to crumble around them as to come within reach. In Shifting Boundaries, Alexis M. Silver sheds light on the currents of exclusion and incorporation that characterize their lives. Silver examines the experiences of immigrant youth growing up in a small town in North Carolina—a state that experienced unprecedented growth in its Latino population in the 1990s and 2000s, and where aggressive anti-immigration policies have been enforced. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interview data, she finds that contradictory policies at the national, state, and local levels interact to create a complex environment through which the youth must navigate. From heritage-based school programs to state-wide bans on attending community college; from the failure of the DREAM Act to the rescinding of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA); each layer represents profound implications for undocumented Latino youth. Silver exposes the constantly changing pathways that shape their journeys into early adulthood—and the profound resilience that they develop along the way.},
author = {Silver, Alexis M},
keywords = {State-owned enterprises},
publisher = {Stanford University Press},
title = {{Shifting boundaries: Immigrant youth negotiating national, state, and small-town politics}},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Mosley2010,
abstract = {Labor Rights and Multinational Production investigates the relationship between workers' rights and multinational production. Mosley argues that some types of multinational production, embodied in directly owned foreign investment, positively affect labor rights. But other types of international production, particularly subcontracting, can engender competitive races to the bottom in labor rights. To test these claims, Mosley presents newly generated measures of collective labor rights, covering a wide range of low- and middle-income nations for the 1985–2002 period. This book suggests that the consequences of economic openness for developing countries are highly dependent on foreign firms' modes of entry and, more generally, on the precise way in which each developing country engages the global economy. The book contributes to academic literature in comparative and international political economy, and to public policy debates regarding the effects of globalization.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {Mosley, Layna},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9780511780998},
isbn = {9780511780998},
issn = {0009-4978},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Labor Rights and Multinational Production}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9780511780998},
year = {2010}
}
@book{Shin2018,
abstract = {Why are some states in India able to facilitate foreign capital inflows better while others are not? This book addresses the socio-political factors such as ideas and interests of political actors, which produce the different levels of foreign direct investment (FDI) in states of India. It studies the causal role of disparate state-society relations in the evolution of institutions facilitating and regulating FDI inflows in the states through a comparative case study on the manufacturing industries of Tamil Nadu and Odisha.},
author = {Shin, Sojin},
doi = {10.1017/9781108612463},
isbn = {9781108425063},
month = {jul},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The State, Society, and Foreign Capital in India}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108612463/type/book},
year = {2018}
}
@book{rajegopal2012portfolio,
abstract = {In Portfolio Management , Shan Rajegopal, a leading authority on innovation and project portfolio management, provides an integrated project portfolio management framework which links innovation, investment and implementation. A successful tried and tested method, this blueprint will be a hands-on guide for business executives.},
author = {Rajegopal, Shan},
keywords = {Foreign portfolio investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Portfolio Management: How to Innovate and Invest in Successful Projects}},
year = {2012}
}
@book{cowell2013risk,
abstract = {A practitioner's account of how investment risk affects the decisions of professional investment managers. Jargon-free, with a broad coverage of investment types and asset classes, the non-investment professional will find this book readable and accessible.},
author = {Cowell, Frances},
keywords = {Foreign portfolio investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Risk-based Investment Management in Practice}},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Zheng2014,
abstract = {Yu Zheng challenges the idea that democracy is the prerequisite for developing countries to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) and promote economic growth. He examines the relationship between political institutions and FDI through the use of cross-national analysis and case studies of three rapidly growing Asian economies with a focus on the role of microinstitutional "special economic zones" (SEZ).
China's authoritarian system allows for bold, radical economic reform, but China has attracted FDI largely because of its increasingly credible investment environment as well as its central and local governments' efforts to overcome constraints on investment. India's democratic institutions provide more political assurance to foreign investors, but its market became conducive to FDI only when the government adopted more flexible investment policies. Taiwan's democratic transition shifted its balance of policy credibility and flexibility, which was essential for the nation's economic takeoff and sustained growth.

Zheng concludes that a more accurate understanding of the relationship between political institutions and FDI comes from careful analysis of institutional arrangements that entail a trade-off between credibility and flexibility of governance.},
address = {Ann Arbor, MI},
author = {Zheng, Yu},
doi = {10.3998/mpub.5205111},
isbn = {9780472119042},
publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
title = {{Governance and Foreign Investment in China, India, and Taiwan}},
url = {https://hdl.handle.net/2027/fulcrum.12579t15s},
year = {2014}
}
@book{SkovgaardPoulsen2015,
abstract = {Modern investment treaties give private arbitrators power to determine whether governments should pay compensation to foreign investors for a wide range of sovereign acts. In recent years, particularly developing countries have incurred significant liabilities from investment treaty arbitration, which begs the question why they signed the treaties in the first place. Through a comprehensive and timely analysis, this book shows that governments in developing countries typically overestimated the economic benefits of investment treaties and practically ignored their risks. Rooted in insights on bounded rationality from behavioural psychology and economics, the analysis highlights how policy-makers often relied on inferential shortcuts when assessing the implications of the treaties, which resulted in systematic deviations from fully rational behaviour. This not only sheds new light on one of the most controversial legal regimes underwriting economic globalization but also provides a novel theoretical account of the often irrational, yet predictable, nature of economic diplomacy.},
address = {Cambridge},
author = {{Skovgaard Poulsen}, Lauge N.},
doi = {10.1017/CBO9781316401941},
isbn = {9781316401941},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Bounded Rationality and Economic Diplomacy}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781316401941},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Amaeshi2018,
abstract = {Africa is on the rise. Enabled by natural resources, commodity trading and the recent discovery of Africa as the last frontier of capitalism by the global market, African entrepreneurs are now being empowered as economic change agents. How can this new economic elite engage in the sustainable development of the continent? 'Africapitalism', the term coined by Nigerian economist Tony O. Elumelu, describes an economic philosophy embodying the private sector's commitment to the economic transformation of Africa through investments generating economic prosperity and social wealth. The concept has attracted significant attention in both business and policy circles. Promoting a positive change in approach and outlook towards development in Africa, this book consolidates research and insights into the Africapitalism movement, and will appeal to scholars, researchers and graduate students of Africa studies, international business, business and society, corporate social responsibility, strategic management, economic thought, international political economy, leadership and development studies.},
doi = {10.1017/9781316675922},
editor = {Amaeshi, Kenneth and Okupe, Adun and Idemudia, Uwafiokun},
isbn = {9781316675922},
month = {may},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Africapitalism}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781316675922/type/book},
year = {2018}
}
@book{Kulick2017,
abstract = {Driven by public opinion in host states, contracting parties to investment agreements are pursuing many avenues in order to curb a system that is being perceived - correctly or not - as having run out of control. Reassertion of Control over the Investment Treaty Regime is the first book of its kind to examine the many issues of procedure, substantive law, and policy which arise from this trend. From procedural aspects such as frivolous claims mechanisms, the establishment of appeals mechanism or state-state arbitration, to substantive issues such as joint interpretations, treaty termination or detailed definitions of standards of protection, the book identifies and discusses the main means by which states do or may reassert their control over the interpretation and application of investment treaties. Each chapter tackles one of these avenues and evaluates its potential to serve as an instrument in states' reassertion of control.},
address = {Cambridge},
doi = {10.1017/9781316779286},
editor = {Kulick, Andreas},
isbn = {9781316779286},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Reassertion of Control over the Investment Treaty Regime}},
url = {http://ebooks.cambridge.org/ref/id/CBO9781316779286},
year = {2017}
}
@article{,
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Unknown - Unknown - Free{\_}Trade{\_}under{\_}Fire.bibtex:bibtex},
title = {{Free{\_}Trade{\_}under{\_}Fire}}
}
@book{chaisse2019china,
abstract = {Since China adopted its 'open door' policy in 1978, which altered its development strategy from self-sufficiency to active participation in the world market, its goal has remained unchanged: to assist the readjustment of China's economy, to coordinate its modernization programs, and to improve its quality of life. With the 1997 launch of the 'Going Global' policy, an outward focus regarding foreign investment was added, to circumvent trade barriers and improve the competitiveness of Chinese firms. In order to accommodate inward and outward investment, China's participation in the international investment regime has underpinned its efforts to join multilateral investment-related legal instruments and conclude international investment agreements. This collection, compiled by award-winning scholar Professor Julien Chaisse, explores the three distinct tracks of China's investment policy and strategy: bilateral agreements including those with the US and the EU; regional agreements including the Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific; and global initiatives, spear-headed by China's presidency of the G20 and its 'Belt and Road initiative'. The book's overarching topic is whether these three tracks compete with each other, or whether they complement one another - a question of profound importance for the country's political and economic future and world investment governance.},
author = {Chaisse, Julien},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{China's International Investment Strategy: Bilateral, Regional, and Global Law and Policy}},
year = {2019}
}
@book{szent2016foreign,
abstract = {This book examines how foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to Central and Eastern Europe have changed after the Great Recession. It argues that beyond their cyclical effects, the economic crisis and the changing competitiveness of Central and Eastern European countries have had structural impacts on FDI in the region. FDI has traditionally been viewed as the key driver of national development, but the apparent structural shift means that focusing on cheap labour as a competitive advantage is no longer a viable strategy for the countries in the region. The authors argue that these countries need to move beyond the narrative of upgrading (attracting FDI inflows with increasingly higher value added), and focus on ensuring greater value capture instead. A potential way for doing this is by developing the conditions in which innovative national companies can emerge, thrive and eventually develop into lead firms of global value chains. The book provides readers with a highly informative account of the reasons why this shift is necessary, as well as diverse perspectives and extensive discussions on the dynamics and structural impacts of FDI in post-crisis Central and Eastern Europe.},
author = {Szent-Iv{\'{a}}nyi, Bal{\'{a}}zs},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Foreign Direct Investment in Central and Eastern Europe: Post-crisis Perspectives}},
year = {2016}
}
@book{marinovinternational,
abstract = {How do firms from emerging economies strive for the internationalization of their business? This comprehensive two-volume collection tackles this question by taking a closer look at underexplored issues, including bottom of the pyramid (BoP) business models, value creation and co-creation, employee commitment and the ‘born global' concept. Taking both a geographic and thematic approach to the topic, the first volume addresses universal challenges such as inclusive innovation, the ethics of corporate leadership, and knowledge management, and also places a special emphasis on China. Providing an overview of the strategies and operations involved in internationalizing Chinese firms, this book is an essential read for those researching emerging markets and globalization in general, as well as Asian Business more specifically.},
author = {Marinov, Marin A},
keywords = {,Multinational firms},
publisher = {Springer Nature},
title = {{International Business and Emerging Economy Firms: Volume I: Universal Issues and the Chinese Perspective}}
}
@book{Jensen2018f,
abstract = {Policies targeting individual companies for economic development incentives, such as tax holidays and abatements, are generally seen as inefficient, economically costly, and distortionary. Despite this evidence, politicians still choose to use these policies to claim credit for attracting investment. Thus, while fiscal incentives are economically inefficient, they pose an effective pandering strategy for politicians. Using original surveys of voters in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom as well as data on incentive use by politicians in the US, Vietnam and Russia, this book provides compelling evidence for the use of fiscal incentives for political gain and shows how such pandering appears to be associated with growing economic inequality. As national and subnational governments surrender valuable tax revenue to attract businesses in the vain hope of long-term economic growth, they are left with fiscal shortfalls that have been filled through regressive sales taxes, police fines and penalties, and cuts to public education. Provides rigorous empirical analysis, involving cutting-edge methods including: survey and natural experiments, regression discontinuity designs, and matching estimators. These techniques will give sophisticated readers confidence in the argument and policy conclusions. Includes a chapter on comparative incentive programs and an analysis of Vietnam and Russia that broadens the reach of the study beyond western democracies to authoritarian political systems. Vivid description and unique presentation of the analysis will benefit readers familiar with well-known case studies such as Ferguson Electric, Google in Lenoir North Carolina, and the Kansas City border wars.},
author = {Jensen, Nathan M. and Malesky, Edmund},
doi = {10.1017/9781108292337},
isbn = {9781108292337},
month = {feb},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Incentives to Pander}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108292337/type/book},
year = {2018}
}
@book{BauerleDanzman2020,
author = {{Bauerle Danzman}, Sarah},
doi = {10.1017/9781108657143},
isbn = {9781108657143},
issn = {02636050},
month = {dec},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Merging Interests}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/9781108657143/type/book},
year = {2020}
}
@book{Jensen2012,
author = {Jensen, Nathan M and Biglaiser, Glen and Li, Quan and Malesky, Edmund and Pinto, Pablo M and Pinto, Santiago M and {and Joseph L. Staats}},
publisher = {University of Michigan Press},
title = {{Politics and Foreign Direct Investment}},
year = {2012}
}
@article{chaudhuri2014foreign,
abstract = {In development literature Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is traditionally considered to be instrumental for the economic growth of all countries, particularly the developing ones. It acts as a panacea for breaking out of the vicious circle of low savings/low income and facilitates the import of capital goods and advanced technical knowhow. This book delves into the complex interaction of FDI with diverse factors. While FDI affects the efficiency of domestic producers through technological diffusion and spill-over effects, it also impinges on the labor market, affecting unemployment levels, human capital formation, wages (and wage inequality) and poverty; furthermore, it has important implications for socio-economic issues such as child labor, agricultural disputes over Special Economic Zones (SEZ) and environmental pollution. The empirical evidence with regard to most of the effects of FDI is highly mixed and reflects the fact that there are a number of mechanisms involved that interact with each other to produce opposing results. The book highlights the theoretical underpinnings behind the inherent contradictions and shows that the final outcome depends on a number of country-specific factors such as the nature of non-traded goods, factor endowments, technological and institutional factors. Thus, though not exhaustive, the book integrates FDI within most of the existing economic systems in order to define its much-debated role in developing economies. A theoretical analysis of the different facets of FDI as proposed in the book is thus indispensable, especially for the formulation of appropriate policies for foreign capital.},
author = {Chaudhuri, Sarbajit and Mukhopadhyay, Ujjaini},
journal = {A Theoretical Evaluation},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Foreign direct investment in developing countries}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bechtel2014,
abstract = {Why do voters agree to bear the costs of bailing out other countries? Despite the prominence of public opinion in the ongoing debate over the eurozone bailouts, voters' preferences on the topic are poorly understood. We conduct the first systematic analysis of this issue using observational and experimental survey data from Germany, the country shouldering the largest share of the EU's financial rescue fund. Testing a range of theoretical explanations, we find that individuals' own economic standing has limited explanatory power in accounting for their position on the bailouts. In contrast, social dispositions such as altruism and cosmopolitanism robustly correlate with support for the bailouts. The results indicate that the divide in public opinion over the bailouts does not reflect distributive lines separating domestic winners and losers. Instead, the bailout debate is better understood as a foreign policy issue that pits economic nationalist sentiments versus greater cosmopolitan affinity and other-regarding concerns.},
author = {Bechtel, Michael M. and Hainmueller, Jens and Margalit, Yotam},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12079},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {835--856},
title = {{Preferences for international redistribution: The divide over the eurozone bailouts}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Samuels2014,
abstract = {To what extent do party labels influence individuals' policy positions? Much research has examined this question in the United States, where party identification can generate both in-group and out-group pressures to conform to a party's position. However, relatively little research has considered the question's comparative generalizability. We explore the impact of party labels on attitudes in Brazil, a relatively new democracy with a fragmented party system. In such an environment, do parties function as in-groups, out-groups, or neither? We answer this question through two survey experiments, one conducted on a nationally representative sample and another on a convenience sample recruited via Facebook. We find that both in- and out-group cues shape the opinions of identifiers of Brazil's two main parties but that cues have no effect on nonpartisans. Results suggest that party identification can structure attitudes and behavior even in "party-averse" electoral environments. {\textcopyright} 2013, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Samuels, David and Zucco, Cesar},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12050},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {212--225},
title = {{The power of partisanship in Brazil: Evidence from survey experiments}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kasara2015,
abstract = {The conventional wisdom that the poor are less likely to vote than the rich is based upon research on voting behavior in advanced industrialized countries. However, in some places, the relationship between turnout and socioeconomic status is reversed. We argue that the potential tax exposure of the rich explains the positive relationship between income and voting in some places and not others. Where the rich anticipate taxation, they have a greater incentive to participate in politics, and politicians are more likely to use fiscal policy to gain support. We explore two factors affecting the tax exposure of the rich-the political salience of redistribution in party politics and the state's extractive capacity. Using survey data from developed and developing countries, we demonstrate that the rich turn out to vote at higher rates when the political preferences of the rich and poor diverge and where bureaucratic capacity is high.},
author = {Kasara, Kimuli and Suryanarayan, Pavithra},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12134},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {613--627},
title = {{When Do the Rich Vote Less Than the Poor and Why? Explaining Turnout Inequality across the World}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Donno2013,
abstract = {When do elections in authoritarian regimes lead to democracy? Building from the distinction between competitive and hegemonic authoritarian regimes, I argue that presence of relatively weaker incumbents renders competitive authoritarian elections more prone to democratization, but only when domestic and international actors choose to actively pressure the regime. The effects of two forms of pressure-opposition electoral coalitions and international conditionality-are theorized. Propositions are tested using a comprehensive dataset of elections in authoritarian regimes from 1990 to 2007. Results support two core claims: that the effect of electoral pressure is conditional on the type of authoritarianism and that this greater vulnerability to pressure is the reason why competitive authoritarian elections are more likely to lead to democracy. In contrast, several alternative explanations-that differences across regime type are explained by alternation in power, better electoral conduct, or ongoing processes of liberalization-are not supported by the evidence. {\textcopyright}2013, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Donno, Daniela},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12013},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {703--716},
title = {{Elections and democratization in authoritarian regimes}},
volume = {57},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Zhu2017,
abstract = {How does multinational corporation (MNC) activity affect corruption in developing countries? The existing literature tends to suggest that economic integration helps reduce corruption, as it increases market competition and efficiency and promotes the diffusion of good governance. In this article, I argue that such a generalization oversimplifies the consequences of MNC activity in host countries. The entry and presence of MNCs may contribute to rent creation in developing countries, thereby leading to a high level of corruption. To test this argument, I conduct a case study on China and draw from original data of filed corruption cases to construct measures of corruption. I find that provinces with more MNC activity are strongly associated with more corruption. The results are robust and consistent when possible endogeneity, law enforcement, and alternative measures of corruption are considered. This finding has important implications for domestic governance in developing countries.},
author = {Zhu, Boliang},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12259},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {84--99},
title = {{MNCs, Rents, and Corruption: Evidence from China}},
volume = {61},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Carnegie2019,
abstract = {Scholars have long argued that international organizations solve information problems through increased transparency. This article introduces a distinct problem that instead requires such institutions to keep information secret. We argue that states often seek to reveal intelligence about other states' violations of international rules and laws but are deterred by concerns about revealing the sources and methods used to collect it. Properly equipped international organizations, however, can mitigate these dilemmas by analyzing and acting on sensitive information while protecting it from wide dissemination. Using new data on intelligence disclosures to the International Atomic Energy Agency and an analysis of the full universe of nuclear proliferation cases, we demonstrate that strengthening the agency's intelligence protection capabilities led to greater intelligence sharing and fewer suspected nuclear facilities. However, our theory suggests that this solution gives informed states a subtle form of influence and is in tension with the normative goal of international transparency.},
author = {Carnegie, Allison and Carson, Austin},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12426},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {269--285},
title = {{The Disclosure Dilemma: Nuclear Intelligence and International Organizations}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Malesky2015,
abstract = {Prevailing work argues that foreign investment reduces corruption, either by competing down monopoly rents or diffusing best practices of corporate governance. We argue that the mechanisms generating this relationship are not clear because the extant empirical work is too heavily drawn from aggregations of total foreign investment entering an economy. Alternatively, we suggest that openness to foreign investment has differential effects on corruption even within the same country and under the same domestic institutions over time. We argue that foreign firms use bribes to enter protected industries in search of rents, and therefore we expect variation in bribe propensity across sectors according to expected profitability. We test this effect using a list experiment embedded in three waves of a nationally representative survey of 20,000 foreign and domestic businesses in Vietnam, finding that the effect of economic openness on the probability to engage in bribes is conditional on policies that restrict investment.},
author = {Malesky, Edmund J. and Gueorguiev, Dimitar D. and Jensen, Nathan M.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12126},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Malesky, Gueorguiev, Jensen - 2015 - Monopoly Money Foreign Investment and Bribery in Vietnam, a Survey Experiment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {419--439},
title = {{Monopoly Money: Foreign Investment and Bribery in Vietnam, a Survey Experiment}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Ryan2017,
abstract = {A hallmark finding in the study of public opinion is that many citizens approach the political realm with one-sided attitudes that color their judgments, making attitude change difficult. This finding highlights the importance of citizens with weak prior attitudes, since they might represent a segment of the electorate that is more susceptible to influence. The judgment processes of citizens with weak attitudes, however, are poorly understood. Drawing from dual-process models in psychology, I test the idea that citizens with weak explicit attitudes rely on implicit attitudes as they render political judgments. I find support for this conjecture in experimental and observational data. There are two main contributions. First, I show that an important and understudied segment of the electorate arrives at political decisions via automatic (but nonetheless predictable) mental processes. Second, I characterize the conditions under which implicit political attitudes matter more and less.},
author = {Ryan, Timothy J.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12307},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {892--907},
title = {{How Do Indifferent Voters Decide? The Political Importance of Implicit Attitudes}},
volume = {61},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Bonica2013,
abstract = {I develop a statistical method to measure the ideology of candidates and political action committees (PACs) using contribution data. The method recovers ideal points for incumbents that strongly correlate with ideological measures recovered from voting records, while simultaneously recovering positions for PACs, unsuccessful challengers, and open-seat candidates. As the candidate ideal points are estimated independently of voting records, they represent a useful new resource for testing models of legislative behavior. By incorporating nonideological covariates known to influence PAC contributions, the method also shows promise as a platform for furthering our understanding of PAC contribution behavior. {\textcopyright} 2013, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Bonica, Adam},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12014},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {294--311},
title = {{Ideology and Interests in the Political Marketplace}},
volume = {57},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Haynes2019,
author = {Haynes, Kyle and {K. Yoder}, Brandon},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12464},
issn = {0092-5853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {0},
pages = {1--13},
title = {{Offsetting Uncertainty: Reassurance with Two‐Sided Incomplete Information}},
volume = {00},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Krehbiel2016,
abstract = {Modern liberal democracies typically depend on courts with the power of constitutional review to ensure that elected officials do not breach their constitutional obligations. The efficacy of this review, however, can depend on the public observing such breaches. One resource available to many of the world's constitutional courts to influence the public's ability to do so is public oral hearings. Drawing on the comparative judicial literature on separation of powers, public awareness, and noncompliance, I develop a formal model of public oral hearings. The model provides empirical implications for when a court will hold public oral hearings and how hearings correspond to a court's willingness to rule against elected officials. An empirical analysis of hearings at the German Constitutional Court supports the model's prediction that courts use hearings as a resource to address potential noncompliance.},
author = {Krehbiel, Jay N.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12229},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {990--1005},
title = {{The Politics of Judicial Procedures: The Role of Public Oral Hearings in the German Constitutional Court}},
volume = {60},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Lowande2019,
abstract = {A vast literature debates the efficacy of descriptive representation in legislatures. Though studies argue it influences how communities are represented through constituency service, they are limited since legislators' service activities are unobserved. Using Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests, we collected 88,000 records of communication between members of the U.S. Congress and federal agencies during the 108th–113th Congresses. These legislative interventions allow us to examine members' “follow-through” with policy implementation. We find that women, racial/ethnic minorities, and veterans are more likely to work on behalf of constituents with whom they share identities. Including veterans offers leverage in understanding the role of political cleavages and shared experiences. Our findings suggest that shared experiences operate as a critical mechanism for representation, that a lack of political consensus is not necessary for substantive representation, and that the causal relationships identified by experimental work have observable implications in the daily work of Congress.},
author = {Lowande, Kenneth and Ritchie, Melinda and Lauterbach, Erinn},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12443},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {644--659},
title = {{Descriptive and Substantive Representation in Congress: Evidence from 80,000 Congressional Inquiries}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Jiang2018,
abstract = {Patron–client networks are widely found in governments of transitional societies and are often seen as an impediment to effective governance. This article advances an alternative view that emphasizes their enabling effects. I argue that patron–client relations can be used to improve government performance by resolving principal–agent problems within political hierarchies. I substantiate this claim by examining how patronage networks shape economic performance of local governments in China. Using an original city–level panel data set between 2000 and 2011, and a new method that identifies patronage ties based on past promotions, I show that city leaders with informal ties to the incumbent provincial leaders deliver significantly faster economic growth than those without. I conduct additional analyses to rule out several important alternative explanations and provide evidence on the incentive-enhancing mechanism. These findings highlight the importance of informal institutions for bureaucratic management and authoritarian governance.},
author = {Jiang, Junyan},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12394},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {982--999},
title = {{Making Bureaucracy Work: Patronage Networks, Performance Incentives, and Economic Development in China}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Colantone2018,
abstract = {We investigate the impact of globalization on electoral outcomes in 15 Western European countries over 1988–2007. We employ both official election results at the district level and individual-level voting data, combined with party ideology scores from the Comparative Manifesto Project. We compute a region-specific measure of exposure to Chinese imports, based on the historical industry specialization of each region. To identify the causal impact of the import shock, we instrument imports to Europe using Chinese imports to the United States. At the district level, a stronger import shock leads to (1) an increase in support for nationalist and isolationist parties, (2) an increase in support for radical-right parties, and (3) a general shift to the right in the electorate. These results are confirmed by the analysis of individual-level vote choices. In addition, we find evidence that voters respond to the shock in a sociotropic way.},
author = {Colantone, Italo and Stanig, Piero},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12358},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {936--953},
title = {{The Trade Origins of Economic Nationalism: Import Competition and Voting Behavior in Western Europe}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Marschall2016,
abstract = {This study applies insights from principal-agent models to examine whether and how the language assistance provisions of the Voting Rights Act, Sections 203 and 4(f)(4), affect Latino representation. Using panel data from 1984–2012, we estimate two-stage models that consider the likelihood and extent of Latino board representation for a sample of 1,661 school districts. In addition, we examine how policy design as well as federal oversight and enforcement shape implementation and compliance with the language assistance provisions. Our findings not only provide the first systemic evidence that the language assistance provisions have a direct effect on Latino representation, but also link the efficacy of the language assistance provisions to the duration and consistency of coverage and the presence of federal elections observers. Overall, our study underscores the continued need for federal government involvement in protecting the voting rights of underrepresented groups, in this case, language minority citizens.},
author = {Marschall, Melissa J. and Rutherford, Amanda},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12182},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {590--606},
title = {{Voting Rights for Whom? Examining the Effects of the Voting Rights Act on Latino Political Incorporation}},
volume = {60},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Knutsen2015,
abstract = {Previous studies report that semi-democratic regimes are less durable than both democracies and autocracies. Still, mixing democratic and autocratic characteristics need not destabilize regimes, as three highly plausible alternative explanations of this correlation remain unaccounted for: (a) semi-democracies emerge under conditions of political instability and social turmoil; (b) other regime characteristics explain duration; and (c) extant democracy measures do not register all regime changes. We elaborate on and test for these explanations, but find strikingly robust evidence that semi-democracies are inherently less durable than both democracies and autocracies. "Semi-democracies are particularly unstable political regimes" should thus be considered a rare stylized fact of comparative politics. The analysis yields several other interesting results. For instance, autocracies and semi-democracies are equally likely to experience "liberalizing" regime changes more specifically, and once accounting for differences in degree of democracy, there is no robust evidence of differences in duration between military and single-party regimes.},
author = {Knutsen, Carl Henrik and Nyg{\aa}rd, H{\aa}vard Mokleiv},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12168},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {656--670},
title = {{Institutional Characteristics and Regime Survival: Why Are Semi-Democracies Less Durable Than Autocracies and Democracies?}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Broockman2019,
abstract = {Economic elites regularly seek to exert political influence. But what policies do they support? Many accounts implicitly assume economic elites are homogeneous and that increases in their political power will increase inequality. We shed new light on heterogeneity in economic elites' political preferences, arguing that economic elites from an industry can share distinctive preferences due in part to sharing distinctive predispositions. Consequently, how increases in economic elites' influence affect inequality depends on which industry's elites are gaining influence and which policy issues are at stake. We demonstrate our argument with four original surveys, including the two largest political surveys of American economic elites to date: one of technology entrepreneurs—whose influence is burgeoning—and another of campaign donors. We show that technology entrepreneurs support liberal redistributive, social, and globalistic policies but conservative regulatory policies—a bundle of preferences rare among other economic elites. These differences appear to arise partly from their distinctive predispositions.},
author = {Broockman, David E. and Ferenstein, Gregory and Malhotra, Neil},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12408},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {212--233},
title = {{Predispositions and the Political Behavior of American Economic Elites: Evidence from Technology Entrepreneurs}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Kim2019,
abstract = {The product composition of bilateral trade encapsulates complex relationships about comparative advantage, global production networks, and domestic politics. Yet, despite the availability of product-level trade data, most researchers rely on either the total volume of trade or certain sets of aggregated products. In this paper, we develop a new dynamic clustering method to effectively summarize this massive amount of product-level data. The proposed method classifies a set of dyads into several clusters based on their similarities in trade profile—the product composition of imports and exports—and captures the evolution of the resulting clusters over time. We apply this method to two billion observations of product-level annual trade flows. We show how typical dyadic trade relationships evolve from sparse trade to inter-industry trade and then to intra-industry trade. Finally, we illustrate the critical roles of our trade profile measure in International Relations research on trade competition and bilateral investment treaties.},
author = {Kim, In Song and Liao, Steven and Imai, Kosuke},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12473},
issn = {0092-5853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {0},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{Measuring Trade Profile with Granular Product‐Level Data}},
volume = {00},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Levy2015,
abstract = {Audience costs theory posits that domestic publics punish leaders for making an external threat and then backing down. One key mechanism driving this punishment involves the value the public places on consistency between their leaders' statements and actions. If true, this mechanism should operate not only when leaders fail to implement threats, but also when they fail to honor promises to stay out of a conflict. We use a survey experiment to examine domestic responses to the president's decision to "back down" from public threats and "back into" foreign conflicts. We find the president loses support in both cases, but suffers more for "backing out" than "backing in." These differential consequences are partially explained by asymmetries in the public's treatment of new information. Our findings strongly suggest that concerns over consistency undergird audience costs theory and that punishment for inconsistency will be incurred, regardless of the leader's initial policy course.},
author = {Levy, Jack S. and Mckoy, Michael K. and Poast, Paul and Wallace, Geoffrey P.R.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12197},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {Audience costs, crisis bargaining,Threats, promises, public opinion, survey experime,crisis bargaining,foreign direct investment,promises,public opinion,survey experime},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {988--1001},
title = {{Backing Out or Backing In? Commitment and Consistency in Audience Costs Theory}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Menaldo2016,
abstract = {Why do some countries indulge in financial repression, harming economic development in the process, whereas others promote financial development? Three main explanations have been put forth. Market failures, due to information asymmetries, mean that credit is rationed even when lenders could potentially benefit from making loans readily available. Political failures, due to state capture, mean that credit will be rationed as a way of generating rents for politically powerful financial incumbents. The state might, however, have its own fiscal reasons for politicizing the supply and price of credit, since financial repression provides easy-to-collect revenues. I draw on the third approach to argue that the state's fiscal imperative is usually the primary reason behind financial repression, and even when private actors benefit, they are subordinate to this concern. A dynamic panel analysis that exploits instrumental variables and a case study of Mexico adduce strong empirical support for my fiscal transaction cost theory. Replication Materials: The data, code, and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this article are available on the American Journal of Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: http://dx.doi.org/10.7910/DVN/WVQ10L.},
author = {Menaldo, Victor},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12240},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Menaldo - 2016 - The Fiscal Roots of Financial Underdevelopment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {456--471},
title = {{The Fiscal Roots of Financial Underdevelopment}},
volume = {60},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Aronow2016,
abstract = {With an unrepresentative sample, the estimate of a causal effect may fail to characterize how effects operate in the population of interest. What is less well understood is that conventional estimation practices for observational studies may produce the same problem even with a representative sample. Causal effects estimated via multiple regression differentially weight each unit's contribution. The "effective sample" that regression uses to generate the estimate may bear little resemblance to the population of interest, and the results may be nonrepresentative in a manner similar to what quasi-experimental methods or experiments with convenience samples produce. There is no general external validity basis for preferring multiple regression on representative samples over quasi-experimental or experimental methods. We show how to estimate the "multiple regression weights" that allow one to study the effective sample. We discuss alternative approaches that, under certain conditions, recover representative average causal effects. The requisite conditions cannot always be met.},
author = {Aronow, Peter M. and Samii, Cyrus},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12185},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {250--267},
title = {{Does Regression Produce Representative Estimates of Causal Effects?}},
volume = {60},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Lorentzen2014,
abstract = {While it is often assumed that authoritarian regimes inevitably fear and restrict media independence, permitting watchdog journalism can actually help such regimes maintain power by improving governance. Yet such a strategy risks facilitating a coordinated uprising if discontent is revealed to be widespread. A formal model shows that under some conditions, a regime optimally permits investigative reporting on lower-level officialdom, adjusting how much reporting is allowed depending on the level of underlying social tensions. This strategy yields many of the benefits of free media without risking overthrow. An extension shows why an increase in uncontrollable information, such as from the Internet, may result in a reduction in media freedom. The model sheds light on important aspects of China's media policy and its evolution and on authoritarian media control more broadly. {\textcopyright}2013, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Lorentzen, Peter},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12065},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {402--414},
title = {{China's Strategic Censorship}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Fortunato2018,
abstract = {Legislatures differ in their institutional capacity to draft and enact policy. While strong legislatures can increase the congruence of policy outcomes to the electorate's preferences, they can also inject uncertainty into markets with their ability to alter the political economic landscape. We argue that this uncertainty will manifest in a state's ability to borrow and hypothesize a negative relationship between legislative capacity and creditworthiness. Using ratings of general obligation bonds issued by the American states over nearly two decades and data on the institutional capacity of state legislative assemblies, we find support for the claim that having a legislature that is better equipped to affect policy change increases credit risk evaluations. The results we present broaden our understanding of the importance of legislative institutions, the determinants of credit risk, and the economic implications of democratic responsiveness.},
author = {Fortunato, David and Turner, Ian R.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12368},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {623--636},
title = {{Legislative Capacity and Credit Risk}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Escriba-Folch2018,
abstract = {Remittances—money migrant workers send back home—are the second largest source of international financial flows in developing countries. As with other sources of international finance, such as foreign direct investment and foreign aid, worker remittances shape politics in recipient countries. We examine the political consequences of remittances by exploring how they influence antigovernment protest behavior. While recent research argues that remittances have a pernicious effect on politics by contributing to authoritarian stability, we argue the opposite: Remittances increase political protest in nondemocracies by augmenting the resources available to potential political opponents. Using cross-national data on a latent measure of antigovernment political protest, we show that remittances increase protest. To explore the mechanism linking remittances to protest, we turn to individual-level data from eight nondemocracies in Africa to show that remittance receipt increases protest in opposition areas but not in progovernment regions.},
author = {Escrib{\`{a}}-Folch, Abel and Meseguer, Covadonga and Wright, Joseph},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12382},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Escrib{\`{a}}-Folch, Meseguer, Wright - 2018 - Remittances and Protest in Dictatorships.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {889--904},
title = {{Remittances and Protest in Dictatorships}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bhavnani2014,
abstract = {How does segregation shape intergroup violence in contested urban spaces? Should nominal rivals be kept separate or instead more closely integrated? We develop an empirically grounded agent-based model to understand the sources and patterns of violence in urban areas, employing Jerusalem as a demonstration case and seeding our model with microlevel, geocoded data on settlement patterns. An optimal set of parameters is selected to best fit the observed spatial distribution of violence in the city, with the calibrated model used to assess how different levels of segregation, reflecting various proposed "virtual futures" for Jerusalem, would shape violence. Our results suggest that besides spatial proximity, social distance is key to explaining conflict over urban areas: arrangements conducive to reducing the extent of intergroup interactions-including localized segregation, limits on mobility and migration, partition, and differentiation of political authority-can be expected to dampen violence, although their effect depends decisively on social distance. {\textcopyright} 2013, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Bhavnani, Ravi and Donnay, Karsten and Miodownik, Dan and Mor, Maayan and Helbing, Dirk},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12045},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {226--245},
title = {{Group segregation and urban violence}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kim2017,
abstract = {Despite declining memberships, labor unions still represent large shares of electorates worldwide. Yet their political clout remains contested. To what extent, and in what way, do unions shape workers' political preferences? We address these questions by combining unique survey data of American workers and a set of inferential strategies that exploit two sources of variation: the legal choice that workers face in joining or opting out of unions and the over-time reversal of a union's policy position. Focusing on the issue of trade, we offer evidence that unions influence their members' policy preferences in a significant and theoretically predictable manner. In contrast, we find that self-selection into membership accounts at most for a quarter of the observed “union effect.” The study illuminates the impact of unions in cohering workers' voice and provides insight on the role of information provision in shaping how citizens form policy preferences.},
author = {Kim, Sung Eun and Margalit, Yotam},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12280},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {728--743},
title = {{Informed Preferences? The Impact of Unions on Workers' Policy Views}},
volume = {61},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Sexton2019,
abstract = {Dissident violence inflicts many costs on society, but some of the longest-lasting consequences for civilians may be indirect, due to the government's response. We explore how government policy responses affect social welfare, specifically through budgetary shifts. Using subnational violence and budgeting data for Peru, we demonstrate that attacks on soldiers during the budget negotiation period drive a shift from local social services, especially health, to defense. One soldier fatality implies a 0.13 percentage point reduction in the local health budget share (2008–12). Health budget cuts due to a single soldier fatality result in 76 predicted additional infant deaths 2 years later. We show that the effect on health budgeting operates through decreases in women's use of health facilities and postnatal services. We offer evidence that Peru's coercive response indirectly harms civilians due to butter-to-guns budgetary shifts. Our results identify a budgetary mechanism that translates dissident violence into a deterioration in social welfare.},
author = {Sexton, Renard and Wellhausen, Rachel L. and Findley, Michael G.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12415},
issn = {0092-5853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
month = {apr},
number = {2},
pages = {353--367},
title = {{How Government Reactions to Violence Worsen Social Welfare: Evidence from Peru}},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12415},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Albertus2017,
abstract = {Influential recent scholarship assumes that authoritarian rulers act as perfect agents of economic elites, foreclosing the possibility that economic elites may at times prefer democracy absent a popular threat from below. Motivated by a puzzling set of democratic transitions, we relax this assumption and examine how elite uncertainty about dictatorship—a novel and generalizable causal mechanism impacting democratization—can induce elite support for democracy. We construct a noisy signaling model in which a potential autocrat attempts to convince economic elites that he will be a faithful partner should elites install him in power. The model generates clear predictions about how two major types of elite uncertainty—uncertainty in a potential autocratic successor's policies produced by variance in the pool of would-be dictator types, and uncertainty in the truthfulness of policy promises made by potential autocratic successors—impact the likelihood of elite-driven democratization. We demonstrate the model's plausibility in a series of cases of democratic transition.},
author = {Albertus, Michael and Gay, Victor},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12277},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {624--641},
title = {{Unlikely Democrats: Economic Elite Uncertainty under Dictatorship and Support for Democratization}},
volume = {61},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Patty2019,
abstract = {To the degree that voters care about competence, expertise, and other valence characteristics of their representatives and political parties care about winning elections, parties have an incentive to signal that their legislators have such characteristics. We construct a model of parties, motivated by both reelection and by policy, that attempt to signal individual incumbents' valences to voters through the assignment of these members to positions of authority. The model illustrates how electorally motivated party leaders will have an incentive to promote less competent incumbents than they would if voters did not make inferences from promotion decisions. We derive the model's empirical implications and test them with original data on the careers of Chilean senators serving between 1998 and 2013. In support of the model's insights, we find that promotion to a leadership position is an effective signal to voters only if the promoted incumbent has extreme views relative to the party.},
author = {Patty, John W. and Schibber, Constanza F. and Penn, Elizabeth Maggie and Crisp, Brian F.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12429},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {563--576},
title = {{Valence, Elections, and Legislative Institutions}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Nielsen2019,
abstract = {父权制下，女性领导者的崛起：------女性能做出基于女性身份的论证，来支持父权制，开拓新观众---------伊斯兰萨拉菲女传教士+twitter文本分析----因此崛起----扩展到美国白人至上(lol，估计是因为数据不足才只能做萨拉菲的) How do women gain authority in the public sphere, especially in contexts where patriarchal norms are prevalent? I argue that the leaders of patriarchal social movements face pragmatic incentives to expand women's authority roles when seeking new movement members. Women authorities help patriarchal movements by making persuasive, identity‐based arguments in favor of patriarchy that men cannot, and by reaching new audiences that men cannot. I support this argument by examining the rise of online female preachers in the Islamist Salafi movement, using interviews, Twitter analysis, and automated text analysis of 21,000 texts by 172 men and 43 women on the Salafi‐oriented website saaid.net. To show the theory's generality, I also apply it to the contemporary white nationalist movement in the United States. The findings illustrate how movements that aggressively enforce traditional gender roles for participants can nevertheless increase female authority for pragmatic political reasons.},
author = {Nielsen, Richard A.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12459},
issn = {0092-5853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {0},
pages = {1--15},
title = {{Women's Authority in Patriarchal Social Movements: The Case of Female Salafi Preachers}},
volume = {00},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Judd2019,
abstract = {The social welfare effects of legislatures in presidential systems, such as the U.S. Congress, are frequently lamented. In response, there are proposals to reform the separation of powers system by giving presidents control of the legislative agenda and weakening rules such as the filibuster. We provide a game-theoretic analysis of the policy and social welfare consequences of a more executive-centric system. Integrating standard assumptions about legislative and executive incentives into a dynamic model of decision making with private investment, we show there are a variety of conditions under which stronger executives do not produce better outcomes. Moreover, we characterize how these conditions depend on factors such as the stability of the policymaking environment or investment fundamentals. Our findings are robust and consistent with empirical observations that U.S. policy outputs are not necessarily worse than those of nations with stronger executives, which more closely approximate prominent proposals by populist-oriented reformers.},
author = {Judd, Gleason and Rothenberg, Lawrence S.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12446},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {0},
pages = {1--16},
title = {{Flexibility or Stability? Analyzing Proposals to Reform the Separation of Powers}},
volume = {00},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Longo2014,
abstract = {Does nonviolent repression prompt subject groups to obey or rebel? By what mechanism does it do so? To address these questions, we exploit a natural experiment based on a 2009 policy toward the "easement" of checkpoints-nonviolent impediments to movement-in the West Bank. We sample populations across 17 villages (n = 599), beside one checkpoint slated for easement (treatment) and one that will undergo no change (control), before and after the intervention. We then pursue difference-in-difference estimation. This design is experimental, as easement was orthogonal to Palestinian attitudes; for robustness, we test our findings against an independent panel (n = 1,200). We find that easement makes subject populations less likely to support violence; we suggest humiliation as the mechanism bridging nonviolent repression with militancy. This warrants rethinking Israeli security policy, as short-term concerns over Palestinian mobility may be compromising Israel's long-term interests. By extension, checkpoint easement may positively affect peace negotiations.},
author = {Longo, Matthew and Canetti, Daphna and Hite-Rubin, Nancy},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12109},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {1006--1023},
title = {{A checkpoint effect? Evidence from a natural experiment on travel restrictions in the west bank}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Spaniel2018,
abstract = {A recurring challenge in politics is to convince actors to take cooperative actions against their self-interest. This is especially challenging for executives conducting covert activities, as infractions are unobservable and institutional reforms often require the executive's consent. We develop a model based in the auditing literature to investigate when executives agree to reforms that credibly constrain their behaviors. If the revelation cost falls in a high range, the risk of whistleblowing convinces executives to restrain themselves. Executives cannot credibly commit to this when the costs are low, resulting in inefficient investigations from watchdog groups that tax executive resources. We show that executives are sometimes better off in the first case than the second, which results in executives endogenously reforming institutions to achieve this outcome. We illustrate the mechanism with a case study of Gerald Ford's executive reforms to the intelligence community in the 1970s.},
author = {Spaniel, William and Poznansky, Michael},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12363},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {668--681},
title = {{Credible Commitment in Covert Affairs}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Way2014,
abstract = {Study after study has found that regime type has little or no effect on states' decisions to pursue nuclear weapons. We argue, however, that conventional approaches comparing the behavior of democracies to that of nondemocracies have resulted in incorrect inferences. We disaggregate types of nondemocracies and argue that leaders of highly centralized, "personalistic" dictatorships are particularly likely to view nuclear weapons as an attractive solution to their concerns about regime security and face fewer constraints in pursuing nuclear weapons than leaders of other types of regimes. Combining our more nuanced classification of regime type with a more theoretically appropriate empirical approach, we find that personalist regimes are substantially more likely to pursue nuclear weapons than other regime types. This finding is robust to different codings of proliferation dates and a range of modeling approaches and specifications and has significant implications for both theory and policy. {\textcopyright} 2013, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Way, Christopher and Weeks, Jessica L.P.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12080},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {705--719},
title = {{Making it personal: Regime type and nuclear proliferation}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Aklin2013,
abstract = {Previous research emphasizes the importance of path dependence for sustainable energy transitions, but their strategic nature is frequently overlooked. We examine formally how exogenous shocks, such as changes in international energy prices, interact with positive reinforcement factors, such as the growing strength of the renewables advocacy coalition. We find that political competition modifies the effect of path dependence on policy and outcomes. Specifically, while "green" governments can use positive reinforcement mechanisms to lock in policy commitments (by creating green constituencies), "brown" governments strategically underprovide public support for renewable energy (to avoid creating green constituencies). The effect of positive reinforcement also decreases with international energy prices. Our empirical analysis shows that (1) political competition conditions the policy response to exogenous shocks and market failures, while (2) governments strategically exploit path dependence for political gain. {\textcopyright}2013, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Aklin, Micha{\"{e}}l and Urpelainen, Johannes},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12002},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aklin, Urpelainen - 2013 - Political competition, path dependence, and the strategy of sustainable energy transitions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {643--658},
title = {{Political competition, path dependence, and the strategy of sustainable energy transitions}},
volume = {57},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Carnegie2017,
abstract = {Does foreign aid improve human rights and democracy? We help arbitrate the debate over this question by leveraging a novel source of exogeneity: the rotating presidency of the Council of the European Union. We find that when a country's former colonizer holds the presidency of the Council of the European Union during the budget-making process, the country is allocated considerably more foreign aid than are countries whose former colonizer does not hold the presidency. Using instrumental variables estimation, we demonstrate that this aid has positive effects on human rights and democracy, although the effects are short-lived after the shock to aid dissipates. We adduce the timing of events, qualitative evidence, and theoretical insights to argue that the conditionality associated with an increased aid commitment is responsible for the positive effects in the domains of human rights and democracy.},
author = {Carnegie, Allison and Marinov, Nikolay},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12289},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carnegie, Marinov - 2017 - Foreign Aid, Human Rights, and Democracy Promotion Evidence from a Natural Experiment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {671--683},
title = {{Foreign Aid, Human Rights, and Democracy Promotion: Evidence from a Natural Experiment}},
volume = {61},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Earle2015,
abstract = {We examine the impact of political turnover on economic performance in a setting of largely unanticipated political change and profoundly weak institutions: the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine. Exploiting census-type panel data on over 7,000 manufacturing enterprises, we find that the productivity of firms in the regions most supportive of Viktor Yushchenko increased by more than 15 percentage points in the three years following his election, relative to that in the most anti-Yushchenko regions. We conclude that this effect is driven primarily by particularistic rather than general economic policies that disproportionately increased output among large enterprises, government suppliers, and private enterprises-three types of firms that had much to gain or lose from turnover at the national level. Our results demonstrate that political turnover in the context of weak institutions can have substantial distributional effects that are reflected in economic productivity.},
author = {Earle, John S. and Gehlbach, Scott},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12170},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {708--723},
title = {{The Productivity Consequences of Political Turnover: Firm-Level Evidence from Ukraine's Orange Revolution}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Arias2018,
abstract = {Capital accumulation is essential for economic development, but investors face risk when putting their capital to productive use. Bilateral investment treaties (BITs) commit leaders to limiting their takings of foreign assets and the revenues they generate. We offer theory and evidence that BITs enhance leader survival more in autocracies than democracies. BITs improve the “investment climate” in signatory states, and they do so by more in autocratic polities. Hazard models offer supporting evidence of improved autocratic leader survival. The improvement in the investment climate is evidenced by improvement of creditworthiness scores and higher sovereign bond prices, again with greater effect in autocratic states. Autocratic leaders have the most to gain from importing property rights–enhancing institutions.},
author = {Arias, Eric and Hollyer, James R. and Rosendorff, B. Peter},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12383},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Arias, Hollyer, Rosendorff - 2018 - Cooperative Autocracies Leader Survival, Creditworthiness, and Bilateral Investment Treaties.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {905--921},
title = {{Cooperative Autocracies: Leader Survival, Creditworthiness, and Bilateral Investment Treaties}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bapat2016,
abstract = {Since 9/11, several states have initiated military conflicts in the name of fighting terrorism. However, studies indicate that the costs of terrorism are insignificant compared to the damage created by war. This raises the question: Why do states initiate costly wars when the risk posed by terrorism appears marginal? This study presents two explanations. First, we argue that while terrorists frequently fail to achieve their strategic objectives, terrorists can accomplish tactical objectives and may transition to insurgencies by seizing control of pockets of territory. States may respond by initiating preventive wars to stop terrorists from consolidating control over their strategically valuable territories (e.g., resource-rich areas). Second, rival states may opportunistically exploit terrorist violence by declaring that the government is a "weak state." This allows rivals to seize portions of the government's territory under the cover of fighting terror. We test these hypotheses using post-Cold War African dyads from 1990 to 2006.},
author = {Bapat, Navin A. and Zeigler, Sean},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12211},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {337--351},
title = {{Terrorism, Dynamic Commitment Problems, and Military Conflict}},
volume = {60},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Malesky2018,
abstract = {Under what conditions does the global economy serve as a means for the diffusion of labor standards and practices? We anticipate variation among internationally engaged firms in their propensity to improve labor standards. Upgrading is most likely when a firm's products exhibit significant cross-market differences in markups, making accessing high-standards overseas markets particularly profitable. Additionally, upgrading is more likely when lead firms attach a high salience to labor standards. Therefore, while participation in global production induces “trading up” behaviors among firms overall, the effect strength varies across industries. We test our expectations via a survey experiment, which queries foreign firms operating in Vietnam about their willingness to invest in labor-related upgrading. We find strong evidence for the effect of markups on upgrading choices and suggestive evidence for the saliency mechanism.},
author = {Malesky, Edmund J. and Mosley, Layna},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12370},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {712--728},
title = {{Chains of Love? Global Production and the Firm-Level Diffusion of Labor Standards}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Beazer2018,
abstract = {What determines whether countries' institutions attract or deter investment? Although existing theories predict that multinational enterprises (MNEs) avoid locations where institutions cannot constrain public and private actors' opportunistic behavior, we argue host institutions' attractiveness depends on firms' home environment. Home country institutions shape firms' practices and capabilities, thus helping to determine the environments that firms are best prepared to face abroad. We test our predictions using multiple data sets at different levels of analysis: firm-level data on MNEs' foreign subsidiaries, data on bilateral foreign direct investment (FDI) positions, and longitudinal data on bilateral FDI flows. We find that states with independent judiciaries are particularly attractive to investment from countries also possessing independent courts. Similarly, countries with low judicial independence disproportionately send FDI to countries lacking independent judiciaries. These findings' implications challenge conventional wisdom: “Good” institutions may not attract all investors, and “bad” institutions may not always deter, as current research suggests.},
author = {Beazer, Quintin H. and Blake, Daniel J.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12344},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beazer, Blake - 2018 - The Conditional Nature of Political Risk How Home Institutions Influence the Location of Foreign Direct Investmen.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {470--485},
title = {{The Conditional Nature of Political Risk: How Home Institutions Influence the Location of Foreign Direct Investment}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Lipscy2015,
abstract = {I propose and test a theoretical framework that explains institutional change in international relations. Like firms in markets, international institutions are affected by the underlying characteristics of their policy areas. Some policy areas are prone to produce institutions facing relatively little competition, limiting the outside options of member states and impeding redistributive change. In comparison, institutions facing severe competition will quickly reflect changes in underlying state interests and power. To test the theory empirically, I exploit common features of the Bretton Woods institutions-the International Monetary Fund and World Bank-to isolate the effect of variation in policy area characteristics. The empirical tests show that, despite having identical membership and internal rules, bargaining outcomes in the Bretton Woods institutions have diverged sharply and in accordance with the theory.},
author = {Lipscy, Phillip Y.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12130},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {341--356},
title = {{Explaining Institutional Change: Policy Areas, Outside Options, and the Bretton Woods Institutions}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Pond2019,
author = {Pond, Amy and Zafeiridou, Christina},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12480},
issn = {0092-5853},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
month = {oct},
number = {00},
pages = {ajps.12480},
title = {{The Political Importance of Financial Performance}},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12480},
volume = {00},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Barnes2018,
abstract = {Though the defense ministry has been a bastion of male power, a growing number of states have appointed women to this portfolio. What explains men's dominance over these positions? Which factors predict women's appointments? With comprehensive cross-national data from the post–Cold War era, we develop and test three sets of hypotheses concerning women's access to the defense ministry. We show that women remain excluded when the portfolio's remit reinforces traditional beliefs about the masculinity of the position, particularly in states that are engaged in fatal disputes, governed by military dictators, and large military spenders. By contrast, female defense ministers emerge when expectations about women's role in politics have changed—that is, in states with female chief executives and parliamentarians. Women are also first appointed to the post when its meaning diverges from traditional conceptions of the portfolio, particularly in countries concerned with peacekeeping and in former military states with left-wing governments.},
author = {Barnes, Tiffany D. and O'Brien, Diana Z.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12337},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {355--368},
title = {{Defending the Realm: The Appointment of Female Defense Ministers Worldwide}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Howell2013,
abstract = {Whereas presidents represent the entire nation, members of Congress serve districts and states. Consequently, presidents and members of Congress often disagree not only about the merits of different policies but also about the criteria used to assess them. To investigate the relevance of jurisdictional-and by extension criterial-differences for policymaking, we revisit classic models of bargaining under uncertainty. Rather than define uncertainty about the mapping of one policy into one outcome, as all previous scholars have done, we allow for every policy to generate two politically relevant outcomes, one local and another national. We then identify equilibria in which the president's utility is increasing in the value that a representative legislator assigns to national outcomes. As an application of this theory, we analyze budgetary politics in war and peace. We find that during periods of war, when members of Congress assign greater importance to the very same national outcomes that preoccupy presidents, congressional appropriations more closely reflect presidential proposals. {\textcopyright}2013, Midwest Political Science Association.},
author = {Howell, William G. and Jackman, Saul P.},
doi = {10.1111/ajps.12027},
issn = {15405907},
journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {956--970},
title = {{Interbranch Negotiations over Policies with Multiple Outcomes}},
volume = {57},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Harish2017,
abstract = {Elections are often violent affairs, casting doubt on the canonical claim that democracy makes societies more peaceful by creating nonviolent means to contest for power. We develop a formal argument to demonstrate that this conclusion is incorrect. Holding elections has a direct effect of increasing levels of violence close to the voting, as this is when electoral violence can influence political outcomes. Precisely for this reason, elections also have an indirect effect of decreasing levels of violence at all other times, as parties can wait for the election when their efforts are more likely to succeed. The direct and indirect effects generate a political violence cycle that peaks at the election. However, when the indirect effect is larger, politics would be more violent without elections. When elections also provide an effective nonviolent means to contest for power, they unambiguously make society more peaceful while still generating a political violence cycle.},
author = {Harish, S. P. and Little, Andrew T.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055416000733},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Harish, Little - 2017 - The political violence cycle.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {may},
number = {2},
pages = {237--255},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The political violence cycle}},
volume = {111},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Dower2018a,
abstract = {We explore the relationship between capacity for collective action and representation in autocracies with data from Imperial Russia. Our primary empirical exercise relates peasant representation in new institutions of local self-government to the frequency of peasant unrest in the decade prior to reform. To correct for measurement error in the unrest data and other sources of endogeneity, we exploit idiosyncratic variation in two determinants of peasant unrest: the historical incidence of serfdom and religious polarization. We find that peasants were granted less representation in districts with more frequent unrest in preceding years-a relationship consistent with the Acemoglu-Robinson model of political transitions and inconsistent with numerous other theories of institutional change. At the same time, we observe patterns of redistribution in subsequent years that are inconsistent with the commitment mechanism central to the Acemoglu-Robinson model. Building on these results, we discuss possible directions for future theoretical work.},
author = {Dower, Paul Casta{\~{n}}eda and Finkel, Evgeny and Gehlbach, Scott and Nafziger, Steven},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000454},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dower et al. - 2018 - Collective Action and Representation in Autocracies Evidence from Russia's Great Reforms(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dower et al. - 2018 - Collective Action and Representation in Autocracies Evidence from Russia's Great Reforms.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {,Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {125--147},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Collective Action and Representation in Autocracies: Evidence from Russia's Great Reforms}},
volume = {112},
year = {2018}
}
@article{SHADMEHR2019,
abstract = {In conflict-prone societies, the fear of expropriation that accompanies a regime change reduces capital investment. These reductions in investments, in turn, harm the economy, amplifying the likelihood of regime change. This article studies the implications of these feedback channels on the interactions between globalization, capital control, state repression, and regime change. I show that processes that facilitate capital movements (e.g., globalization, economic modernization, and technologies that reduce transportation costs) amplify the likelihood of regime change in conflict-prone societies and strengthen the elite's demand for a strong coercive state. In particular, to limit their collective action problem and manage the political risk of regime change, capitalists support a state that imposes capital control. We identify two conflicting forces, the Boix Effect and the Marx Effect, which determine when capital control and state repression become complements (Nazi Germany) or substitutes (Latin American military regimes) in right-wing regimes.},
author = {Shadmehr, MEHDI},
doi = {10.1017/s0003055419000376},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shadmehr - 2019 - Investment in the Shadow of Conflict Globalization, Capital Control, and State Repression.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/SHADMEHR - 2019 - Investment in the Shadow of Conflict Globalization, Capital Control, and State Repression(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {0003-0554},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {,Foreign Direct Investment,conflict,foreign direct investment,political risk,repression},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment,conflict,foreign direct investment,political risk,repression},
month = {nov},
number = {04},
pages = {997--1011},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
title = {{Investment in the Shadow of Conflict: Globalization, Capital Control, and State Repression}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Johns2016,
abstract = {We argue that economic links, such as supply chains, can create a common roof that protects foreign investors in host countries that lack strong institutions to protect property rights. Supply chains link the activities of firms: when a host government breaks a contract with one firm, other firms in the supply chain are harmed. These partner firms therefore have incentive to protect one another's property rights. This leads to the key implication of our argument: host governments are less likely to violate the property rights of firms that are more tightly linked with other firms in the host economy. We test our argument with cross-national data on investment arbitration, a survey of US multinational subsidiaries in Russia, and case studies from Azerbaijan. Our findings imply that one benefit of outsourcing in developing and transition economies is the creation of a network of partner firms that protect each other's property rights.},
author = {Johns, Leslie and Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
doi = {10.1017/S000305541500057X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johns, Wellhausen - 2016 - Under one roof Supply chains and the protection of foreign investment(3).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johns, Wellhausen - 2016 - Under one roof Supply chains and the protection of foreign investment(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {0003-0554},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {,Foreign Direct Investment,foreign direct investment,linkages,property rights,supply chains},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment,foreign direct investment,linkages,property rights,supply chains},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {31--51},
title = {{Under One Roof: Supply Chains and the Protection of Foreign Investment}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S000305541500057X/type/journal{\_}article},
volume = {110},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Hobbs2019a,
abstract = {How have Donald Trump's rhetoric and policies affected Arab and Muslim American behavior? We provide evidence that the de facto effects of President Trump's campaign rhetoric and vague policy positions extended beyond the direct effects of his executive orders. We present findings from three data sources - television news coverage, social media activity, and a survey - to evaluate whether Arab and Muslim Americans reduced their online visibility and retreated from public life. Our results provide evidence that they withdrew from public view: (1) Shared locations on Twitter dropped approximately 10 to 20{\%} among users with Arabic-sounding names after major campaign and election events and (2) Muslim survey respondents reported increased public space avoidance.},
author = {Hobbs, William and Lajevardi, Nazita},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000801},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hobbs, Lajevardi - 2019 - Effects of Divisive Political Campaigns on the Day-to-Day Segregation of Arab and Muslim Americans.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hobbs, Lajevardi - 2019 - Effects of Divisive Political Campaigns on the Day-to-Day Segregation of Arab and Muslim Americans(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {,Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {270--276},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Effects of Divisive Political Campaigns on the Day-to-Day Segregation of Arab and Muslim Americans}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Nili2016a,
abstract = {My aim in this article is to show that there is distinctive normative value to thinking about a liberal polity as an agent with integrity that can be threatened, paralleling the integrity of an individual person. I argue that the idea of liberal integrity organizes and clarifies important moral intuitions concerning the policies of liberal democracies, especially with regard to their global conduct. This idea provides a novel organizing framework for liberal values that currently seem disparate. It also captures important moral intuitions as to how the tainted histories of actual liberal societies should bear on their global conduct. Finally, this idea explains, in a way that a simple appeal to familiar liberal values arguably cannot, why liberal polities have identity-based moral reasons not to entangle themselves in manifestly illiberal practices beyond their borders-reasons whose significance becomes apparent in scenarios and real-world cases that global political theory overlooks.},
author = {Nili, Shmuel},
doi = {10.1017/S000305541500060X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Nili - 2016 - Liberal integrity and foreign entanglement(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Nili - 2016 - Liberal integrity and foreign entanglement.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {,Foreign Direct Investment,apartheid,foreign divestment,liberal integrity},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment,apartheid,foreign divestment,liberal integrity},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {148--159},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Liberal integrity and foreign entanglement}},
volume = {110},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Kim2018,
abstract = {While the rules of international trade regimes prevent governments from employing protectionist instruments, governments continue to seek out veiled means of supporting their national industries. This article argues that the news media can serve as one channel for governments to favor domestic industries. Focusing on media coverage of auto recalls in China, I reveal a systematic bias against foreign automakers in those newspapers under strict government control. I further analyze subnational reporting patterns, exploiting variation in the level of regional government interest in the automobile industry. The analysis suggests that the media's home bias is driven by the government's protectionist interests but rules out the alternative hypothesis that home bias simply reflects the nationalist sentiment of readers. I show that this home bias in news coverage has meaningful impact on actual consumer behavior, combining automobile sales data and information on recall-related web searches.},
author = {Kim, Sung Eun},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000242},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim - 2018 - Media Bias against Foreign Firms as a Veiled Trade Barrier Evidence from Chinese Newspapers.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim - 2018 - Media Bias against Foreign Firms as a Veiled Trade Barrier Evidence from Chinese Newspapers(2).pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0003055418},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {,Foreign Direct Investment,foreign direct investment,liability of foreignness},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment,foreign direct investment,liability of foreignness},
month = {nov},
number = {4},
pages = {954--970},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Media Bias against Foreign Firms as a Veiled Trade Barrier: Evidence from Chinese Newspapers}},
volume = {112},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Dorsch2019a,
abstract = {Despite strong theoretical reasons to expect that democratization equalizes income distributions, existing empirical studies do not find a statistically significant effect of democratization on measures of income inequality. This paper starts from the simple observation that autocracies are heterogeneous and govern quite extreme distributional outcomes (also egalitarian). Democratization may drive extreme income distributions to a middle ground. We thus examine the extent to which initial inequality levels determine the path of distributional dynamics following democratization. Using fixed-effects and instrumental variable regressions, we demonstrate that egalitarian autocracies become more unequal following democratization, whereas democratization has an equalizing effect in highly unequal autocracies. The effect appears to be driven by changes in gross (market) inequality, suggesting that democratization has led, on average, to redistribution of market opportunities, rather than to direct fiscal redistribution. We then investigate which kinds of (heterogeneous) reforms are at work following democratizations that may rationalize our findings.},
author = {Dorsch, Michael T. and Maarek, Paul},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000825},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dorsch, Maarek - 2019 - Democratization and the conditional dynamics of income distribution.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {may},
number = {2},
pages = {385--404},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Democratization and the conditional dynamics of income distribution}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Großer2019,
abstract = {We report the results of a laboratory experiment based on a citizen-candidate model with private information about ideal points. Inefficient political polarization is observed in all treatments; that is, citizens with extreme ideal points enter as candidates more often than moderate citizens. Second, less entry occurs, with even greater polarization, when voters have directional information about candidates' ideal points, using ideological party labels. Nonetheless, this directional information is welfare enhancing because the inefficiency from greater polarization is outweighed by lower entry expenses and better voter information. Third, entry rates are decreasing in group size and the entry cost. These findings are all implied by properties of the unique symmetric Bayesian equilibrium cutpoint pair of the entry game. Quantitatively, we observe too little (too much) entry when the theoretical entry rates are high (low). This general pattern of observed biases in entry rates is implied by logit quantal response equilibrium.},
author = {Gro{\ss}er, Jens and Palfrey, Thomas R.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000631},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gro{\ss}er, Palfrey - 2019 - Candidate Entry and Political Polarization An Experimental Study.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {209--225},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Candidate Entry and Political Polarization: An Experimental Study}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Baker2015a,
abstract = {Virtually all previous studies of domestic economic redistribution find white Americans to be less enthusiastic about welfare for black recipients than for white recipients. When it comes to foreign aid and international redistribution across racial lines, I argue that prejudice manifests not in an uncharitable, resentful way but in a paternalistic way because intergroup contact is minimal and because of how the media portray black foreigners. Using two survey experiments, I show that white Americans are more favorable toward aid when cued to think of foreign poor of African descent than when cued to think of those of East European descent. This relationship is due not to the greater perceived need of black foreigners but to an underlying racial paternalism that sees them as lacking in human agency. The findings confirm accusations of aid skeptics and hold implications for understanding the roots of paternalistic practices in the foreign aid regime.},
author = {Baker, Andy},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055414000549},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baker - 2015 - Race, Paternalism, and Foreign Aid Evidence from U.S. Public Opinion.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {93--109},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Race, Paternalism, and Foreign Aid: Evidence from U.S. Public Opinion}},
volume = {109},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Kriner2015a,
abstract = {When influencing the allocation of federal dollars across the country, do presidents strictly pursue maximally efficient outcomes, or do they systematically target dollars to politically influential constituencies? In a county-level analysis of federal spending from 1984 to 2008, we find that presidents are not universalistic, but particularistic - that is, they reliably direct dollars to specific constituents to further their political goals. As others have noted, presidents target districts represented by their co-partisans in Congress in the pursuit of influence vis-{\`{a}}-vis the legislature. But we show that, at much higher levels, presidents target both counties within swing states and counties in core states that strongly supported the president in recent elections. Swing state particularism is especially salient during presidential reelection years, and core partisan counties within swing states are most heavily rewarded. Rather than strictly pursuing visions of good public policy or pandering to the national median voter, our results suggest that presidents systematically prioritize the needs of politically important constituents.},
author = {Kriner, Douglas L. and Reeves, Andrew},
booktitle = {American Political Science Review},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055414000598},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kriner, Reeves - 2015 - Presidential Particularism and Divide-the-Dollar Politics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {155--171},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Presidential Particularism and Divide-the-Dollar Politics}},
volume = {109},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Paler2013,
abstract = {It is widely believed that rents from windfall revenue undermine accountability. An enduring explanation is that windfalls free leaders from the need to tax, producing a quiescent population. Yet, there is little direct evidence of how windfalls and taxes affect citizen political action. I use novel revenue and information experiments to examine whether and why windfalls (compared to taxes) affect how citizens participate in politics. The experiments were embedded in a public awareness campaign conducted with 1,863 citizens in Indonesia. The results - from an original survey and postcard campaign - indicate that the tax treatment increased monitoring and anti-incumbent political action. Yet, when given spending information, citizens in the windfall treatment cared just as much about misused revenue as those in the tax treatment. The findings have important implications for understanding not only how revenue affects citizen political behavior but also how people acquire and process information on government spending. {\textcopyright} 2013 American Political Science Association.},
author = {Paler, Laura},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055413000415},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Paler - 2013 - Keeping the public purse An experiment in windfalls, taxes, and the incentives to restrain government.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {4},
pages = {706--725},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Keeping the public purse: An experiment in windfalls, taxes, and the incentives to restrain government}},
volume = {107},
year = {2013}
}
@misc{Caughey2018a,
abstract = {Using eight decades of data, we examine the magnitude, mechanisms, and moderators of dynamic responsiveness in the American states. We show that on both economic and (especially) social issues, the liberalism of state publics predicts future change in state policy liberalism. Dynamic responsiveness is gradual, however; large policy shifts are the result of the cumulation of incremental responsiveness over many years. Partisan control of government appears to mediate only a fraction of responsiveness, suggesting that, contrary to conventional wisdom, responsiveness occurs in large part through the adaptation of incumbent officials. Dynamic responsiveness has increased over time but does not seem to be influenced by institutions such as direct democracy or campaign finance regulations. We conclude that our findings, though in some respects normatively ambiguous, on the whole paint a reassuring portrait of statehouse democracy.},
author = {Caughey, Devin and Warshaw, Christopher},
booktitle = {American Political Science Review},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000533},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Caughey, Warshaw - 2018 - Policy preferences and policy change Dynamic responsiveness in the American States, 1936-2014.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
month = {may},
number = {2},
pages = {249--266},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Policy preferences and policy change: Dynamic responsiveness in the American States, 1936-2014}},
volume = {112},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Eguia2019a,
abstract = {We provide an instrumental theory of extreme campaign platforms. By adopting an extreme platform, a previously mainstream party with a relatively small probability of winning further reduces its chances. On the other hand, the party builds credibility as the one most capable of delivering an alternative to mainstream policies. The party gambles that if down the road voters become dissatisfied with the status quo and seek something different, the party will be there ready with a credible alternative. In essence, the party sacrifices the most immediate election to invest in greater future success. We call this phenomenon tactical extremism. We show under which conditions we expect tactical extremism to arise and we discuss its welfare implications.},
author = {Eguia, Jon X. and Giovannoni, Francesco},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000758},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eguia, Giovannoni - 2019 - Tactical Extremism.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {282--286},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Tactical Extremism}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Doyle2015,
abstract = {Remittances are a significant source of foreign exchange for developing economies. I argue that remittances, due to their compensation and insurance functions, will increase the general income level and economic security of recipients, thereby reducing their perceived income risk. Over time, this will dampen demand from recipients for government taxation and social insurance. Therefore, I expect increases in income remitted to an economy to result in reduced levels of social welfare transfers at the macro-level. This dynamic can help us to understand spending patterns in developing democracies, and the absence of demand for social security transfers in countries with high levels of inequality and economic insecurity. I test this argument with a sample of 18 Latin American states, over the period 1990 to 2009, and subject the central causal mechanism to a battery of statistical tests. The results of these tests provide strong support for this argument.},
author = {Doyle, David},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055415000416},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Doyle - 2015 - Remittances and Social Spending.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {nov},
number = {4},
pages = {785--802},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Remittances and Social Spending}},
volume = {109},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Ahmed2014a,
author = {Ahmed, Faisal Z.},
booktitle = {American Political Science Review},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055414000197},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ahmed - 2014 - Erratum The perils of unearned foreign income Aid, remittances, and government survival (American Political Science Revie.pdf:pdf},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
number = {2},
pages = {478},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Erratum: The perils of unearned foreign income: Aid, remittances, and government survival (American Political Science Review (2012) (147-150))}},
volume = {108},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bohmelt2016a,
abstract = {Do parties learn from or emulate parties in other political systems? This research develops the argument that parties are more likely to employ the heuristic of learning from and emulating foreign successful (incumbent) parties. Spatial-econometric analyses of parties' election policies from several established democracies robustly confirm that political parties respond to left-right policy positions of foreign political parties that have recently governed. By showing that parties respond to these foreign incumbent parties, this work has significant implications for our understanding of party competition. Furthermore, we contribute to the literature on public policy diffusion, as we suggest that political parties are important vehicles through which public policies diffuse.},
author = {B{\"{o}}hmelt, Tobias and Ezrow, Lawrence and Lehrer, Roni and Ward, Hugh},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055416000162},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{o}}hmelt et al. - 2016 - Party Policy Diffusion.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {may},
number = {2},
pages = {397--410},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Party Policy Diffusion}},
volume = {110},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Bubeck2017a,
abstract = {Why do outside powers intervene in other countries' elections? We distinguish between two types of electoral interventions: Interventions in favor of the democratic process and interventions in favor of particular candidates and parties. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, outside powers often simultaneously pursue interventions of both types. Using a formal model of elections with bias, we argue that outside powers will always invest some resources in particular candidates, if they care about the differences in their proposed policies. Spending on the electoral process is driven by liberalism concerns and geopolitical interests. In some cases, liberal powers might decrease their amount of support for the electoral process if this engagement works against their favored candidate. We also consider the case of election wars. These occur when two outside powers simultaneously intervene on different sides of an election. Some of the observable implications of the model are briefly demonstrated using a new and original dataset.},
author = {Bubeck, Johannes and Marinov, Nikolay},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000090},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bubeck, Marinov - 2017 - Process or candidate The international community and the demand for electoral integrity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {aug},
number = {3},
pages = {535--554},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Process or candidate: The international community and the demand for electoral integrity}},
volume = {111},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Hangartner2019a,
abstract = {Although Europe has experienced unprecedented numbers of refugee arrivals in recent years, there exists almost no causal evidence regarding the impact of the refugee crisis on natives' attitudes, policy preferences, and political engagement. We exploit a natural experiment in the Aegean Sea, where Greek islands close to the Turkish coast experienced a sudden and massive increase in refugee arrivals, while similar islands slightly farther away did not. Leveraging a targeted survey of 2,070 island residents and distance to Turkey as an instrument, we find that direct exposure to refugee arrivals induces sizable and lasting increases in natives' hostility toward refugees, immigrants, and Muslim minorities; support for restrictive asylum and immigration policies; and political engagement to effect such exclusionary policies. Since refugees only passed through these islands, our findings challenge both standard economic and cultural explanations of anti-immigrant sentiment and show that mere exposure suffices in generating lasting increases in hostility.},
author = {Hangartner, Dominik and Dinas, Elias and Marbach, Moritz and Matakos, Konstantinos and Xefteris, Dimitrios},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000813},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hangartner et al. - 2019 - Does exposure to the refugee crisis make natives more hostile.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
month = {may},
number = {2},
pages = {442--455},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Does exposure to the refugee crisis make natives more hostile?}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Xu2015a,
abstract = {Do informal institutions, rules, and norms created and enforced by social groups promote good local governance in environments of weak democratic or bureaucratic institutions? This question is difficult to answer because of challenges in defining and measuring informal institutions and identifying their causal effects. In the article, we investigate the effect of lineage groups, one of the most important vehicles of informal institutions in rural China, on local public goods expenditure. Using a panel dataset of 220 Chinese villages from 1986 to 2005, we find that village leaders from the two largest family clans in a village increased local public investment considerably. This association is stronger when the clans appeared to be more cohesive. We also find that clans helped local leaders overcome the collective action problem of financing public goods, but there is little evidence suggesting that they held local leaders accountable.},
author = {Xu, Yiqing and Yao, Yang},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055415000155},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Xu, Yao - 2015 - Informal institutions, collective action, and public investment in rural China.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {apr},
number = {2},
pages = {371--391},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Informal institutions, collective action, and public investment in rural China}},
volume = {109},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Fouka2019a,
abstract = {I study the effect of taste-based discrimination on the assimilation decisions of immigrant minorities. Do discriminated minority groups increase their assimilation efforts in order to avoid discrimination and public harassment or do they become alienated and retreat in their own communities? I exploit an exogenous shock to native attitudes, anti-Germanism in the United States during World War I, to empirically identify the reactions of German immigrants to increased native hostility. I use two measures of assimilation efforts: Naming patterns and petitions for naturalization. In the face of increased discrimination, Germans increase their assimilation investments by Americanizing their own and their children's names and filing more petitions for US citizenship. These responses are stronger in states that registered higher levels of anti-German hostility, as measured by voting patterns and incidents of violence against Germans.},
author = {Fouka, Vasiliki},
booktitle = {American Political Science Review},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055419000017},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fouka - 2019 - How do immigrants respond to discrimination the case of germans in the US during World War i.pdf:pdf},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {may},
number = {2},
pages = {405--422},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{How do immigrants respond to discrimination? the case of germans in the US during World War i}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Bisbee2017a,
abstract = {To answer questions about the origins and outcomes of collective action, political scientists increasingly turn to datasets with social network information culled from online sources. However, a fundamental question of external validity remains untested: Are the relationships measured between a person and her online peers informative of the kind of offline, real-world relationships to which network theories typically speak? This article offers the first direct comparison of the nature and consequences of online and offline social ties, using data collected via a novel network elicitation technique in an experimental setting. We document strong, robust similarity between online and offline relationships. This parity is not driven by shared identity of online and offline ties, but a shared nature of relationships in both domains. Our results affirm that online social tie data offer great promise for testing long-standing theories in the social sciences about the role of social networks.},
author = {Bisbee, James and Larson, Jennifer M.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000120},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bisbee, Larson - 2017 - Testing social science network theories with online network data An evaluation of external validity.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {aug},
number = {3},
pages = {502--521},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Testing social science network theories with online network data: An evaluation of external validity}},
volume = {111},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Hainmueller2013,
abstract = {We study discrimination against immigrants using microlevel data from Switzerland, where, until recently, some municipalities used referendums to decide on the citizenship applications of foreign residents. We show that naturalization decisions vary dramatically with immigrants' attributes, which we collect from official applicant descriptions that voters received before each referendum. Country of origin determines naturalization success more than any other applicant characteristic, including language skills, integration status, and economic credentials. The average proportion of no votes is about 40{\%} higher for applicants from (the former) Yugoslavia and Turkey compared to observably similar applicants from richer northern and western European countries. Statistical and taste-based discrimination contribute to varying naturalization success; the rewards for economic credentials are higher for applicants from disadvantaged origins, and origin-based discrimination is much stronger in more xenophobic municipalities. Moreover, discrimination against specific immigrant groups responds dynamically to changes in the groups' relative size. {\textcopyright} 2013 American Political Science Association.},
author = {Hainmueller, Jens and Hangartner, Dominik},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055412000494},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hainmueller, Hangartner - 2013 - Who gets a swiss passport A natural experiment in immigrant discrimination.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
number = {1},
pages = {159--187},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Who gets a swiss passport? A natural experiment in immigrant discrimination}},
volume = {107},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Schmidt2014a,
abstract = {Recent years have seen an increasing interest among international relations scholars in applications of pragmatist thought. Few works, however, have gone beyond discussing the epistemological and methodological implications of pragmatism. This article draws on a pragmatist understanding of human action to develop a novel explanation of norm change in contexts not amenable to more common analytical approaches. Specifically, concepts derived from pragmatism help explain how the creative recombination of practices by actors in response to changes in the material and social context of action can transform largely tacit notions of appropriate behavior. The article demonstrates the value of the approach by explaining the origin of a common contemporary security practice unknown prior to the Second World War and incompatible with the then-prevailing norms of sovereignty: the long-term, peacetime presence of one state's military on the territory of another equally sovereign state.},
author = {Schmidt, Sebastian},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055414000434},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schmidt - 2014 - Foreign military presence and the changing practice of sovereignty A pragmatist explanation of norm change.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {nov},
number = {4},
pages = {817--829},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Foreign military presence and the changing practice of sovereignty: A pragmatist explanation of norm change}},
volume = {108},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Enos2015a,
abstract = {As a key element of their strategy, recent Presidential campaigns have recruited thousands of workers to engage in direct voter contact. We conceive of this strategy as a principal-agent problem. Workers engaged in direct contact are intermediaries between candidates and voters, but they may be ill-suited to convey messages to general-election audiences. By analyzing a survey of workers fielded in partnership with the 2012 Obama campaign, we show that in the context of the campaign widely considered most adept at direct contact, individuals who were interacting with swing voters on the campaign's behalf were demographically unrepresentative, ideologically extreme, cared about atypical issues, and misunderstood the voters' priorities. We find little evidence that the campaign was able to use strategies of agent control to mitigate its principal-agent problem. We question whether individuals typically willing to be volunteer surrogates are productive agents for a strategic campaign.},
author = {Enos, Ryan D. and Hersh, Eitan D.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055415000064},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Enos, Hersh - 2015 - Party activists as campaign advertisers The ground campaign as a principal-agent problem.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {apr},
number = {2},
pages = {252--278},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Party activists as campaign advertisers: The ground campaign as a principal-agent problem}},
volume = {109},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Ferwerda2014a,
abstract = {Do foreign occupiers face less resistance when they increase the level of native governing authority? Although this is a central question within the literature on foreign occupation and insurgency, it is difficult to answer because the relationship between resistance and political devolution is typically endogenous. To address this issue, we identify a natural experiment based on the locally arbitrary assignment of French municipalities into German or Vichy-governed zones during World War II. Using a regression discontinuity design, we conclude that devolving governing authority significantly lowered levels of resistance. We argue that this effect is driven by a process of political cooptation: domestic groups that were granted governing authority were less likely to engage in resistance activity, while violent resistance was heightened in regions dominated by groups excluded from the governing regime. This finding stands in contrast to work that primarily emphasizes structural factors or nationalist motivations for resistance. {\textcopyright} American Political Science Association 2014.},
author = {Ferwerda, Jeremy and Miller, Nicholas L.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055414000240},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ferwerda, Miller - 2014 - Political devolution and resistance to foreign rule A natural experiment.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
number = {3},
pages = {642--660},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Political devolution and resistance to foreign rule: A natural experiment}},
volume = {108},
year = {2014}
}
@misc{Gamm2013,
abstract = {Do big cities exert more power than less populous ones in American state legislatures? In many political systems, greater representation leads to more policy gains, yet for most of the nation's history, urban advocates have argued that big cities face systematic discrimination in statehouses. Drawing on a new historical dataset spanning 120 years and 13 states, we find clear evidence that there is no strength in numbers for big-city delegations in state legislatures. District bills affecting large metropolises fail at much higher rates than bills affecting small cities, counties, and villages. Big cities lose so often because size leads to damaging divisions. We demonstrate that the cities with the largest delegations - which are more likely to be internally divided - are the most frustrated in the legislative process. Demographic differences also matter, with district bills for cities that have many foreign-born residents, compared with the state as a whole, failing at especially high rates. {\textcopyright} 2013 American Political Science Association.},
author = {Gamm, Gerald and Kousser, Thad},
booktitle = {American Political Science Review},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055413000397},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gamm, Kousser - 2013 - No strength in numbers The failure of big-city bills in American state legislatures, 1880-2000.pdf:pdf},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
number = {4},
pages = {663--678},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{No strength in numbers: The failure of big-city bills in American state legislatures, 1880-2000}},
volume = {107},
year = {2013}
}
@misc{Simmons2004,
abstract = {One of the most important developments over the past three decades has been the spread of liberal economic ideas and policies throughout the world. These policies have affected the lives of millions of people, yet our most sophisticated political economy models do not adequately capture influences on these policy choices. Evidence suggests that the adoption of liberal economic practices is highly clustered both temporally and spatially. We hypothesize that this clustering might be due to processes of policy diffusion. We think of diffusion as resulting from one of two broad sets of forces: one in which mounting adoptions of a policy alter the benefits of adopting for others and another in which adoptions provide policy relevant information about the benefits of adopting. We develop arguments within these broad classes of mechanisms, construct appropriate measures of the relevant concepts, and test their effects on liberalization and restriction of the current account, the capital account, and the exchange rate regime. Our findings suggest that domestic models of foreign economic policy making are insufficient. The evidence shows that policy transitions are influenced by international economic competition as well as the policies of a country's sociocultural peers. We interpret the latter influence as a form of channeled learning reflecting governments' search for appropriate models for economic policy.},
author = {Simmons, Beth A. and Elkins, Zachary},
booktitle = {American Political Science Review},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055404001078},
issn = {15375943},
title = {{The Globalization of Liberalization: Policy Diffusion in the International Political Economy}},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Williams2017,
abstract = {Development projects like schools and latrines are popular with politicians and voters alike, yet many developing countries are littered with half-finished projects that were abandoned mid-construction. Using an original database of over 14,000 small development projects in Ghana, I estimate that one-third of projects that start are never completed, consuming nearly one-fifth of all local government investment. I develop a theory of project noncompletion as the outcome of a dynamically inconsistent collective choice process among political actors facing commitment problems in contexts of limited resources. I find evidence consistent with key predictions of this theory, but inconsistent with alternative explanations based on corruption or clientelism. I show that fiscal institutions can increase completion rates by mitigating the operational consequences of these collective choice failures. These findings have theoretical and methodological implications for distributive politics, the design of intergovernmental transfers and aid, and the development of state capacity.},
author = {Williams, Martin J.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000351},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Williams - 2017 - The political economy of unfinished development projects Corruption, clientelism, or collective choice.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {nov},
number = {4},
pages = {705--723},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The political economy of unfinished development projects: Corruption, clientelism, or collective choice?}},
volume = {111},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Hegghammer2013a,
abstract = {This article studies variation in conflict theater choice by Western jihadists in an effort to understand their motivations. Some militants attack at home, whereas others join insurgencies abroad, but few scholars have asked why they make these different choices. Using open-source data, I estimate recruit supply for each theater, foreign fighter return rates, and returnee impact on domestic terrorist activity. The tentative data indicate that jihadists prefer foreign fighting, but a minority attacks at home after being radicalized, most often through foreign fighting or contact with a veteran. Most foreign fighters do not return for domestic operations, but those who do return are more effective operatives than nonveterans. The findings have implications for our understanding of the motivations of jihadists, for assessments of the terrorist threat posed by foreign fighters, and for counterterrorism policy. {\textcopyright} 2013 American Political Science Association.},
author = {Hegghammer, Thomas},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055412000615},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hegghammer - 2013 - Should i stay or should i go Explaining variation in western jihadists' choice between domestic and foreign fighting.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
number = {1},
pages = {1--15},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Should i stay or should i go? Explaining variation in western jihadists' choice between domestic and foreign fighting}},
volume = {107},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Kokkonen2014,
abstract = {Building a strong autocratic state requires stability in ruler-elite relations. From this perspective the absence of a successor is problematic, as the elite have few incentives to remain loyal if the autocrat cannot reward them for their loyalty after his death. However, an appointed successor has both the capacity and the motive to challenge the autocrat. We argue that a succession based on primogeniture solves the dilemma, by providing the regime with a successor who can afford to wait to inherit the throne peacefully. We test our hypothesis on a dataset covering 961 monarchs ruling 42 European states between 1000 and 1800, and show that fewer monarchs were deposed in states practicing primogeniture than in states practicing alternative succession orders. A similar pattern persists in the world's remaining absolute monarchies. Primogeniture also contributed to building strong states: In 1801 all European monarchies had adopted primogeniture or succumbed to foreign enemies. {\textcopyright} American Political Science Association 2014.},
author = {Kokkonen, Andrej and Sundell, Anders},
doi = {10.1017/S000305541400015X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kokkonen, Sundell - 2014 - Delivering stability-primogeniture and autocratic survival in European Monarchies 1000-1800.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {2},
pages = {438--453},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Delivering stability-primogeniture and autocratic survival in European Monarchies 1000-1800}},
volume = {108},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Carnegie2014a,
abstract = {This paper argues that the benefits of international institutions accrue disproportionately to pairs of states that find cooperation most difficult. It determines which states achieve the greatest gains from these institutions by identifying a central reason that states fail to cooperate in international relations: they fear being held up by other states for political concessions. Political hold-up problems occur when one state fails to undertake an otherwise productive investment due to the increased ability it would give another state to extract political concessions. Focusing on the World Trade Organization (WTO), I demonstrate that political hold-up problems are pervasive in international relations due to links between economic and political policies, but that international institutions can solve hold-up problems by helping to enforce agreements. I first formalize this argument and then empirically test the implications derived from the model, finding that the WTO increases trade most for politically dissimilar states by reducing states' abilities to hold up their trading partners for foreign policy concessions. I provide evidence of the causal mechanism by showing that WTO membership increases trade in contract-intensive goods and boosts fixed capital investment. I conclude that by solving political hold-up problems, international institutions can normalize relations between politically asymmetric states that differ in terms of capabilities, regime types, and alliances. Copyright {\textcopyright} American Political Science Association 2014.},
author = {Carnegie, Allison},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055413000646},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carnegie - 2014 - States held hostage Political hold-up problems and the effects of international institutions.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
number = {1},
pages = {54--70},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{States held hostage: Political hold-up problems and the effects of international institutions}},
volume = {108},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Acharya2016a,
abstract = {Researchers seeking to establish causal relationships frequently control for variables on the purported causal pathway, checking whether the original treatment effect then disappears. Unfortunately, this common approach may lead to biased estimates. In this article, we show that the bias can be avoided by focusing on a quantity of interest called the controlled direct effect. Under certain conditions, the controlled direct effect enables researchers to rule out competing explanations - an important objective for political scientists. To estimate the controlled direct effect without bias, we describe an easy-to-implement estimation strategy from the biostatistics literature. We extend this approach by deriving a consistent variance estimator and demonstrating how to conduct a sensitivity analysis. Two examples - one on ethnic fractionalization's effect on civil war and one on the impact of historical plough use on contemporary female political participation - illustrate the framework and methodology.},
author = {Acharya, Avidit and Blackwell, Matthew and Sen, Maya},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055416000216},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Acharya, Blackwell, Sen - 2016 - Explaining causal findings without bias Detecting and assessing direct effects(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {aug},
number = {3},
pages = {512--529},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Explaining causal findings without bias: Detecting and assessing direct effects}},
volume = {110},
year = {2016}
}
@misc{Huang2015a,
abstract = {Do knowledge and information about foreign countries affect people's evaluation of domestic situations? Using unique survey and experimental data, this research finds that Chinese citizens with more positive perceptions and especially overestimation of foreign socioeconomic conditions have more negative evaluations of China and the Chinese government. Moreover, correcting socioeconomic misinformation about foreign countries improves one's evaluations of China, indicating that the causal direction is at least partly from rosier estimation of foreign conditions to lower domestic evaluations. The relationship between domestic evaluations and international political knowledge, as measured by familiarity with political affairs and figures in foreign countries, is typically not significant, although awareness of political instability in other countries can increase satisfaction with one's own country. These results contribute both substantively and conceptually to the study of politically relevant knowledge and information, and shed new light on the nuances of information flow and opinion formation in changing societies.},
author = {Huang, Haifeng},
booktitle = {American Political Science Review},
doi = {10.1017/S000305541500026X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Huang - 2015 - International Knowledge and Domestic Evaluations in a Changing Society The Case of China.pdf:pdf},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {aug},
number = {3},
pages = {613--634},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{International Knowledge and Domestic Evaluations in a Changing Society: The Case of China}},
volume = {109},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Leemann2016a,
abstract = {A key requirement of democratic governance is that policy outcomes and the majority preference of the electorate are congruent. Many studies argue that the more direct democratic a system is, the more often voters get what they want, but the empirical evidence is mixed. This analysis explores the democratic effect of initiatives and referendums theoretically and empirically. The prediction of the formal model is that bad representation (i.e., a large preference deviation between the electorate and the political elite) is good for the democratic effect of direct democracy. An empirical investigation of original voter and elite survey data, analyzed with multilevel modeling and poststratification, supports this argument. Building on the literature, the findings of the analysis suggest that the extent to which direct democratic institutions are conducive for policy congruence - and may thus be advisable as democratic correctives to representative systems - depends on the political conflict structure.},
author = {Leemann, Lucas and Wasserfallen, Fabio},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055416000307},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Leemann, Wasserfallen - 2016 - The democratic effect of direct democracy.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {nov},
number = {4},
pages = {750--762},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The democratic effect of direct democracy}},
volume = {110},
year = {2016}
}
@book{Rosenfeld2017a,
abstract = {A large literature expects rising middle classes to promote democracy. However, few studies provide direct evidence on this group in nondemocratic settings. This article focuses on politically important differentiation within the middle classes, arguing that middle-class growth in state-dependent sectors weakens potential coalitions in support of democratization. I test this argument using surveys conducted at mass demonstrations in Russia and detailed population data. I also present a new approach to studying protest based on case-control methods from epidemiology. The results reveal that state-sector professionals were significantly less likely to mobilize against electoral fraud, even after controlling for ideology. If this group had participated at the same rate as middle-class professionals from the private sector, I estimate that another 90,000 protesters would have taken to the streets. I trace these patterns of participation to the interaction of individual resources and selective incentives. These findings have implications for authoritarian stability and democratic transitions.},
author = {Rosenfeld, Bryn},
booktitle = {American Political Science Review},
doi = {10.1017/S000305541700034X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rosenfeld - 2017 - Reevaluating the middle-class protest paradigm A case-control study of democratic protest coalitions in Russia.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
month = {nov},
number = {4},
pages = {637--652},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Reevaluating the middle-class protest paradigm: A case-control study of democratic protest coalitions in Russia}},
volume = {111},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Lemoine2017a,
abstract = {Though recent scholarship challenges the traditional interpretation of Plato as anti-democratic, his antipathy to cultural diversity is still generally assumed. The Menexenus appears to offer some of the most striking evidence of Platonic xenophobia, as it features Socrates delivering a mock funeral oration that glorifies Athens' exclusion of foreigners. Yet when readers play along with Socrates' exhortation to imagine the oration through the voice of its alleged author Aspasia, Pericles' foreign mistress, the oration becomes ironic or dissonant. Through this, Plato shows that foreigners can act as gadflies, liberating citizens from the intellectual hubris that occasions democracy's fall into tyranny. In reminding readers of Socrates' death, the dialogue warns, however, that fear of education may prevent democratic citizens from appreciating the role of cultural diversity in cultivating the virtue of Socratic wisdom.},
author = {Lemoine, Rebecca},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000016},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lemoine - 2017 - Foreigners as liberators Education and cultural diversity in Plato's Menexenus.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {aug},
number = {3},
pages = {471--483},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Foreigners as liberators: Education and cultural diversity in Plato's Menexenus}},
volume = {111},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Charney2013a,
abstract = {In an earlier article we challenged the findings of Fowler and Dawes (FD) that two genes predict voter turnout as part of a more general critique of genopolitics. FD now acknowledge that their finding of a significant direct association between MAOA and voting was incorrect, but claim to have replicated their finding of an indirect association between 5HTT, self-reported church attendance, and self-reported voting. We show that this finding is likely driven by population stratification and omitted variable bias. We then explain why, from the standpoints of genetics, neuroscience, and evolutionary biology, genopolitics is a fundamentally misguided undertaking; we also respond to FD's charge that some of our previous statements concerning genetics are highly misleading, extremely disingenuous, and even incorrect. We show that their criticisms demonstrate a lack of awareness of some basic principles in genetics and of discoveries in molecular genetics over the past 50 years. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2013 American Political Science Association.},
author = {Charney, Evan and English, William},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055413000099},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Charney, English - 2013 - Genopolitics and the science of genetics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
number = {2},
pages = {382--395},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Genopolitics and the science of genetics}},
volume = {107},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Sambanis2015,
abstract = {How do the outcomes of international wars affect domestic social change? In turn, how do changing patterns of social identification and domestic conflict affect a nation's military capability? We propose a second image reversed theory of war that links structural variables, power politics, and the individuals that constitute states. Drawing on experimental results in social psychology, we recapture a lost building block of the classical realist theory of statecraft: the connections between the outcomes of international wars, patterns of social identification and domestic conflict, and the nation's future war-fighting capability. When interstate war can significantly increase a state's international status, peace is less likely to prevail in equilibrium because, by winning a war and raising the nation's status, leaders induce individuals to identify nationally, thereby reducing internal conflict by increasing investments in state capacity. In certain settings, it is only through the anticipated social change that victory can generate that leaders can unify their nation, and the higher anticipated payoffs to national unification makes leaders fight international wars that they would otherwise choose not to fight. We use the case of German unification after the Franco-Prussian war to demonstrate the model's value-added and illustrate the interaction between social identification, nationalism, state-building, and the power politics of interstate war.},
author = {Sambanis, Nicholas and Skaperdas, Stergios and Wohlforth, William C.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055415000088},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sambanis, Skaperdas, Wohlforth - 2015 - Nation-building through war.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {apr},
number = {2},
pages = {279--296},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Nation-building through war}},
volume = {109},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Blackwell2018a,
abstract = {Repeated measurements of the same countries, people, or groups over time are vital to many fields of political science. These measurements, sometimes called time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data, allow researchers to estimate a broad set of causal quantities, including contemporaneous effects and direct effects of lagged treatments. Unfortunately, popular methods for TSCS data can only produce valid inferences for lagged effects under some strong assumptions. In this paper, we use potential outcomes to define causal quantities of interest in these settings and clarify how standard models like the autoregressive distributed lag model can produce biased estimates of these quantities due to post-Treatment conditioning. We then describe two estimation strategies that avoid these post-Treatment biases-inverse probability weighting and structural nested mean models-and show via simulations that they can outperform standard approaches in small sample settings. We illustrate these methods in a study of how welfare spending affects terrorism.},
author = {Blackwell, Matthew and Glynn, Adam N.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000357},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blackwell, Glynn - 2018 - How to Make Causal Inferences with Time-Series Cross-Sectional Data under Selection on Observables(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
month = {nov},
number = {4},
pages = {1067--1082},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{How to Make Causal Inferences with Time-Series Cross-Sectional Data under Selection on Observables}},
volume = {112},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Barber2019a,
abstract = {Are people conservative (liberal) because they are Republicans (Democrats)? Or is it the reverse: people are Republicans (Democrats) because they are conservatives (liberals)? Though much has been said about this long-standing question, it is difficult to test because the concepts are nearly impossible to disentangle in modern America. Ideology and partisanship are highly correlated, only growing more so over time. However, the election of President Trump presents a unique opportunity to disentangle party attachment from ideological commitment. Using a research design that employs actual conservative and liberal policy statements from President Trump, we find that low-knowledge respondents, strong Republicans, Trump-approving respondents, and self-described conservatives are the most likely to behave like party loyalists by accepting the Trump cue - in either a liberal or conservative direction. These results suggest that there are a large number of party loyalists in the United States, that their claims to being a self-defined conservative are suspect, and that group loyalty is the stronger motivator of opinion than are any ideological principles.},
author = {Barber, Michael and Pope, Jeremy C.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000795},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barber, Pope - 2019 - Does Party Trump Ideology Disentangling Party and Ideology in America.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {38--54},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Does Party Trump Ideology? Disentangling Party and Ideology in America}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Mitts2019,
abstract = {What explains online radicalization and support for ISIS in the West? Over the past few years, thousands of individuals have radicalized by consuming extremist content online, many of whom eventually traveled overseas to join the Islamic State. This study examines whether anti-Muslim hostility might drive pro-ISIS radicalization in Western Europe. Using new geo-referenced data on the online behavior of thousands of Islamic State sympathizers in France, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Belgium, I study whether the intensity of anti-Muslim hostility at the local level is linked to pro-ISIS radicalization on Twitter. The results show that local-level measures of anti-Muslim animosity correlate significantly and substantively with indicators of online radicalization, including posting tweets sympathizing with ISIS, describing life in ISIS-controlled territories, and discussing foreign fighters. High-frequency data surrounding events that stir support for ISIS - terrorist attacks, propaganda releases, and anti-Muslim protests - show the same pattern.},
author = {Mitts, Tamar},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055418000618},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mitts - 2019 - From Isolation to Radicalization Anti-Muslim Hostility and Support for ISIS in the West.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {173--194},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{From Isolation to Radicalization: Anti-Muslim Hostility and Support for ISIS in the West}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Garfias2018,
abstract = {International wars and interstate rivalry have been at the center of our understanding of the origin and expansion of state capacity. This article describes an alternative path to the development of state capacity rooted in domestic political conflict. Under conditions of intra-elite conflict, political rulers seize upon the temporary weakness of their rivals, expropriate their assets, and consolidate authority. Because this political consolidation increases rulers' chances of surviving an economic elite's challenge, it enhances their incentives to develop state capacity. These ideas are evaluated in post-revolutionary Mexico, where commodity price shocks induced by the Great Depression affected the local economic elite differentially. Negative shocks lead to increased asset expropriation and substantially higher investments in state capacity, which persist to the present.},
author = {Garfias, Francisco},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000715},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Garfias - 2018 - Elite competition and state capacity development Theory and evidence from post-revolutionary Mexico.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {may},
number = {2},
pages = {339--357},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Elite competition and state capacity development: Theory and evidence from post-revolutionary Mexico}},
volume = {112},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Kalla2018,
abstract = {Significant theories of democratic accountability hinge on how political campaigns affect Americans' candidate choices. We argue that the best estimate of the effects of campaign contact and advertising on Americans' candidates choices in general elections is zero. First, a systematic meta-analysis of 40 field experiments estimates an average effect of zero in general elections. Second, we present nine original field experiments that increase the statistical evidence in the literature about the persuasive effects of personal contact tenfold. These experiments' average effect is also zero. In both existing and our original experiments, persuasive effects only appear to emerge in two rare circumstances. First, when candidates take unusually unpopular positions and campaigns invest unusually heavily in identifying persuadable voters. Second, when campaigns contact voters long before election day and measure effects immediately-although this early persuasion decays. These findings contribute to ongoing debates about how political elites influence citizens' judgments.},
author = {Kalla, Joshua L. and Broockman, David E.},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000363},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kalla, Broockman - 2018 - The Minimal Persuasive Effects of Campaign Contact in General Elections Evidence from 49 Field Experiments.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {148--166},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The Minimal Persuasive Effects of Campaign Contact in General Elections: Evidence from 49 Field Experiments}},
volume = {112},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Gerring2015,
abstract = {According to the classical perspective, polity size and democracy are inversely related. In this article, we argue that there is an important exception that manifests itself at the district level in settings where multiparty competition is allowed. Specifically, we find that larger districts encourage greater contestation. This results from a little-noticed mechanical effect as well as from several features of constituencies that are affected by size and have direct repercussions for contestation. To demonstrate this thesis we assembled a unique dataset, the Multi-level Election Archive (MLEA), which unites electoral contests across a variety of districts (national, regional, and local) and elective offices from the eighteenth century to the present, including a total of 88 countries, 2,344 elections, 79,658 districts, and more than 400,000 contests. With this evidence we were able to conduct a broad array of statistical tests, some global and others focused on particular countries or election types, all of which support our general argument.},
author = {Gerring, John and Palmer, Maxwell and Teorell, Jan and Zarecki, Dominic},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055415000234},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gerring et al. - 2015 - Demography and Democracy A Global, District-level Analysis of Electoral Contestation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
month = {aug},
number = {3},
pages = {574--591},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Demography and Democracy: A Global, District-level Analysis of Electoral Contestation}},
volume = {109},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Gailmard2017,
abstract = {Separation of powers existed in the British Empire of North America long before the U.S. Constitution of 1789, yet little is known about the strategic foundations of this institutional choice. In this article, I argue that separation of powers helps an imperial crown mitigate an agency problem with its colonial governor. Governors may extract more rents from colonial settlers than the imperial crown prefers. This lowers the Crown's rents and inhibits economic development by settlers. Separation of powers within colonies allows settlers to restrain the governor's rent extraction. If returns to settler investment are moderately high, this restraint is necessary for colonial economic development and ultimately benefits the Crown. Historical evidence from the American colonies and the first British Empire is consistent with the model. This article highlights the role of agency problems as a distinct factor in New World institutional development, and in a sovereign's incentives to create liberal institutions.},
author = {Gailmard, Sean},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000235},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gailmard - 2017 - Building a new imperial state The strategic foundations of separation of powers in america.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {nov},
number = {4},
pages = {668--685},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Building a new imperial state: The strategic foundations of separation of powers in america}},
volume = {111},
year = {2017}
}
@article{POWELL2019,
abstract = {Recent work on counter-insurgency, client states, foreign aid, and proxy wars uses a principal–agent framework to study the principal's ability to induce an agent to exert effort on the principal's behalf. This work broadly emphasizes the moral hazard problem and the actors' limited commitment power. The latter is usually addressed through the logic of repeated games in which reneging on an agreement triggers future punishment. This study analyzes a related incentive problem that undermines the principal's ability to induce an agent to exert effort on its behalf. The repeated-game's enforcement mechanism tends to break down if the principal is trying to get the agent to resolve a problem that, if resolved, (i) creates an ongoing problem for the agent and (ii) simultaneously significantly reduces the agent's ability to impose future costs on the principal. The principal cannot induce the agent to exert much effort in these circumstances, and the problem persists.},
author = {POWELL, ROBERT},
doi = {10.1017/s0003055419000364},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/POWELL - 2019 - Why Some Persistent Problems Persist.pdf:pdf},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment},
month = {nov},
number = {04},
pages = {980--996},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press (CUP)},
title = {{Why Some Persistent Problems Persist}},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Livingston2017,
abstract = {John Dewey's democratic theory is celebrated as a classic statement of the theory of deliberative democracy. This article challenges deliberative appropriations of Dewey's political thought by situating his democratic theory within the contentious history of American labor politics. In his writings on direct action, strikes, and class struggle, Dewey advocated coercive and nondeliberative modes of political action as democratic means for democratic ends. Examining Dewey's writings on democracy, action, and the use of force reveals how a means-oriented pragmatism circumvents the problematic dichotomy of ideal ends and non-ideal means framing contemporary debates about idealism and realism in democratic theory. Pragmatism's account of the interdependence of means and ends in political action, as a process of creative and collaborative experimentation, combines a robust defense of coercive tactics with a consequentialist critique of violence.},
author = {Livingston, Alexander},
doi = {10.1017/S0003055417000168},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Livingston - 2017 - Between means and ends Reconstructing coercion in Dewey's democratic theory.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15375943},
journal = {American Political Science Review},
month = {aug},
number = {3},
pages = {522--534},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Between means and ends: Reconstructing coercion in Dewey's democratic theory}},
volume = {111},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Palfrey2009,
abstract = {This article summarizes a small part of the literature on laboratory experiments in political economy. The experiments discussed are primarily aimed at testing predictions of equilibrium models of voting in committees and elections. The specific topics discussed are voter turnout, the Condorcet jury theorem, and the swing voter's curse. The latter two topics address questions of information aggregation by voting rules. All the experiments find significant evidence of strategic voting and, with a few exceptions, find support for the equilibrium predictions of the theories.},
author = {Palfrey, Thomas R.},
doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.12.091007.122139},
issn = {1094-2939},
journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
title = {{Laboratory Experiments in Political Economy}},
year = {2009}
}
@article{Mosley2015,
abstract = {In the field of international political economy, workers are commonly analyzed as objects of global economic forces whose fate is determined by the profit-seeking behaviors of firms and governments. Workers, however, can also assert themselves to protect their rights, and they can emigrate to other countries to find employment. We analyze the literature on the nexus between the international economy and labor with a focus on workers on both the receiving and originating ends of global finance. Beginning with workers as inputs in multinational production, we explore the roles of economic openness, factor endowments, government policy, and unionization as drivers of workers' rights. We then shift to workers as migrant labor and explore the impact of migrants' own cross-border financial transfers — also known as remittances — on political outcomes in their home countries. Our overview not only highlights tremendous progress in explaining the agency and vulnerability of labor in the global economy but also reveals significant weaknesses in recent research, especially a mismatch between micro-level theorizing and macro-level data analysis.},
author = {Mosley, Layna and Singer, David A.},
doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-020614-094809},
issn = {1094-2939},
journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {283--301},
title = {{Migration, Labor, and the International Political Economy}},
volume = {18},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Pandya2016,
abstract = {This article reviews scholarly research on the political economy of foreign direct investment (FDI) over the past 20 years. FDI research during this period reflects FDI's rapid growth, particularly in developing countries, and the emergence of intense competition among countries to attract investments. Countries have grown more open to FDI as evidenced by FDI deregulation, generous financial investment incentives, and the adoption of international agreements. Although extensive research shows that multinational corporations prefer to invest in countries with strong property rights protections, whether incentives and international agreements help countries attract FDI remains contested. Scholars can advance research by disaggregating FDI into multinational firms' specific production activities because the scope for countries to compete for FDI and firms' sensitivity to property rights vary widely. More generally, scholars should recast the separate study of trade and FDI into the study of global production in which trade and FDI are inextricably linked.},
author = {Pandya, Sonal S.},
doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-051214-101237},
issn = {1094-2939},
journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
month = {may},
number = {1},
pages = {455--475},
title = {{Political Economy of Foreign Direct Investment: Globalized Production in the Twenty-First Century}},
url = {http://www.annualreviews.org/doi/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051214-101237},
volume = {19},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Helleiner2011,
abstract = {Economists have explained the 2007–2008 global financial crisis with reference to various market and regulatory failures as well as a macro-economic environment of cheap credit during the precrisis period. These developments had important political causes that scholars of international political economy (IPE) should have been well positioned to study before the crisis. How well did they anticipate the crisis? Although none foresaw all the causes, a number of IPE scholars correctly identified many of the dangers associated with new models of securitization as well as accompanying regulatory failures and the politics underlying them. IPE scholars were less successful in identifying the macroeconomic roots of the crisis, particularly the role of international capital flows in fueling the U.S. financial bubble, but some scholars did usefully explore the politics that contributed to the latter phenomenon. The study of IPE scholarship in this episode contains useful lessons for the field's future.},
author = {Helleiner, Eric},
doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-050409-112539},
issn = {1094-2939},
journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
title = {{Understanding the 2007–2008 Global Financial Crisis: Lessons for Scholars of International Political Economy}},
year = {2011}
}
@article{Kapur2014,
abstract = {What are the political consequences of international migration on the migrant's country of origin? To help understand this question, this review article first examines data and measurement issues that have hampered empirical analysis. It then lays out an analytical framework outlining four channels through which migration's political consequences play out: the prospective, absence, diaspora, and return channels. The article next delineates the variables that attenuate or amplify these effects and argues that unobservable characteristics, in particular who leaves and why, have an important influence on the type and intensity of political effects. Subsequently, the article examines some key political consequences of international migration: its political economy consequences; its impact on conflict; and its institutional effects, focusing on political institutions as well as nationalism and citizenship. The penultimate section points out the importance of temporality in understanding the political effects of international migration. The article concludes with some questions for future research.},
author = {Kapur, Devesh},
doi = {10.1146/annurev-polisci-043010-095807},
issn = {1094-2939},
journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
number = {1},
pages = {479--502},
title = {{Political Effects of International Migration}},
volume = {17},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Jensen2014c,
abstract = {A strong statistical association between legislative opposition in authoritarian regimes and investment has been interpreted as evidence that authoritarian legislatures constrain executive decisions and reduce the threat of expropriation. Although the empirical relationship is robust, scholars have not provided systematic evidence that authoritarian parliaments are able to restrain the actions of state leaders, reverse activities they disagree with, or remove authoritarian leaders who violate the implied power-sharing arrangement. This article shows that authoritarian legislatures, by providing a forum for horse trading between private actors, are better at generating corporate governance legislation that protects investors from corporate insiders than they are at preventing expropriation by governments. The statistical analysis reveals that the strength of authoritarian legislatures is associated with corporate governance rules and not expropriation risk.},
author = {Jensen, Nathan M. and Malesky, Edmund and Weymouth, Stephen},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123412000774},
issn = {0007-1234},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
month = {jul},
number = {3},
pages = {655--684},
title = {{Unbundling the Relationship between Authoritarian Legislatures and Political Risk}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0007123412000774/type/journal{\_}article},
volume = {44},
year = {2014}
}
@inproceedings{Zachary2017,
abstract = {Scholars argue that states undertake foreign military interventions for economic reasons, yet few have investigated whether intervention produces economic benefits. This article answers this question in the context of US foreign-imposed regime changes (FIRCs) in Latin America. Because FIRCs install leaders who are sympathetic to the intervener's interests, economic arguments maintain that these interventions should increase bilateral trade between the targets and imposing countries. Yet security-based arguments assert that FIRCs should have little economic effect, as regime changes target threats rather than generate economic benefits. A third perspective argues that FIRCs reduce trade by generating political instability, which causes foreign firms to cut back on their involvement and domestic firms to experience difficulty getting goods to market. To test these competing arguments, this study employs a novel dataset on bilateral trade (1873-2007) compiled through archival research in Washington, DC. Using a gravity model and synthetic controls, it finds that FIRC produces an average decrease of 45 per cent in the dollar value of bilateral trade. Further analysis of archival sector-level data and case studies cast doubt on alternate explanations.},
author = {Zachary, Paul and Deloughery, Kathleen and Downes, Alexander B.},
booktitle = {British Journal of Political Science},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123415000332},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zachary, Deloughery, Downes - 2017 - No Business Like FIRC Business Foreign-Imposed Regime Change and Bilateral Trade.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
month = {oct},
number = {4},
pages = {749--782},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{No Business Like FIRC Business: Foreign-Imposed Regime Change and Bilateral Trade}},
volume = {47},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Chaudoin2013,
abstract = {Lobbies are active participants in international co-operation. In a repeated game, this article allows domestic lobbies to offer contingent rewards to influence their government to make pro-co-operation policy adjustments. The effect of lobbies depends on the type and intensity of their preferences. If the lobbies are 'internationally benefiting' - that is, they are interested in whether the foreign government reciprocates with adjustments of its own, they unambiguously improve co-operation. However, if the lobbies are 'domestically benefiting' - that is, they are interested in their own government's policy, they are less beneficial for co-operation. A domestically benefiting lobby that is willing to compensate its government even without foreign reciprocity undermines the credibility of punishing free riders. This article demonstrates this argument in the context of trade and environmental co-operation.},
author = {Chaudoin, Stephen and Urpelainen, Johannes},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123413000367},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chaudoin, Urpelainen - 2013 - When is good news about pro-co-operation lobbies good news about co-operation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
month = {sep},
number = {2},
pages = {411--433},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{When is good news about pro-co-operation lobbies good news about co-operation?}},
volume = {45},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Kerner2014,
abstract = {This article argues that the political risk associated with foreign direct investment (FDI) is primarily a function of investment in fixed-capital, and not a homogeneous feature of FDI. As such, empirical tests of a political institution's ability to mitigate political risk should focus directly on investments in fixed capital and not on more highly aggregated measures of multinational corporation (MNC) activity, such as FDI flow and stock data that are affected by the accumulation of liquid assets in foreign affiliates. We apply this to the study of bilateral investment treaties (BITs). We find that BITs with the United States correlate positively with investments in fixed capital and have little, if any, correlation with other measures of MNC activity. {\textcopyright} 2012 Cambridge University Press.},
author = {Kerner, Andrew and Lawrence, Jane},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123412000725},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kerner, Lawrence - 2014 - What's the risk Bilateral investment treaties, political risk and fixed capital accumulation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00071234},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {107--121},
title = {{What's the risk? Bilateral investment treaties, political risk and fixed capital accumulation}},
volume = {44},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kim2014,
abstract = {Is technology competition between commercial rivals an impediment to international co-operation? Or could it instead help states collaborate? Our game-theoretic model suggests that technology competition impedes international co-operation when states hold 'techno-nationalist' preferences but have starkly asymmetric abilities to capture new markets. States that expect to lose refuse to co-operate, so treaty formation fails. However, technology competition may also facilitate co-operation. While states invest in new technologies out of self-interest, doing so also reduces consumer prices for other states. Comparative case studies of environmental co-operation demonstrate the model's utility. For example, European co-operation on climate policy was easier to achieve because forerunner countries, such as Denmark and Germany, implemented industrial policies that enhanced the competitiveness of their renewable energy industries. This technology competition reduced the cost of renewable energy for other European countries, and thus lowered the economic costs of their emissions reductions. Copyright {\textcopyright} Cambridge University Press 2013.},
author = {Kim, Sung Eun and Urpelainen, Johannes},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123412000762},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim, Urpelainen - 2014 - Technology competition and international co-operation Friends or foes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
number = {3},
pages = {545--574},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Technology competition and international co-operation: Friends or foes?}},
volume = {44},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Urpelainen2014,
abstract = {Why do states create overlapping international institutions? This practice presents a puzzle: conventional wisdom suggests that states should use existing institutions to minimize the transaction costs of co-operation. This article proposes a bargaining approach to explain the de novo creation of overlapping international institutions. In this model, a dissatisfied 'challenger' state threatens to create a new institution, and a 'defender' state can propose to reform the currently focal institution. Overlapping institutions are created when the currently focal institution is (1) captured by interests opposed to the challenger and (2) domestic political pressure to abandon the status quo is intense. Similar to models of deterrence, the expectation that the new institution garners support among third parties is irrelevant for the equilibrium likelihood of de novo creation. A comparative analysis of international bargaining over energy, whaling and intellectual property rights provides empirical evidence.},
author = {Urpelainen, Johannes and {Van De Graaf}, Thijs},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123413000537},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Urpelainen, Van De Graaf - 2014 - Your Place or Mine Institutional Capture and the Creation of Overlapping International Institutions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
month = {feb},
number = {4},
pages = {799--827},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Your Place or Mine? Institutional Capture and the Creation of Overlapping International Institutions}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bechtel2015,
abstract = {National governments have intensified their attempts to create international institutions in various policy fields such as the environment, finance and trade. At the same time, many subnational policy makers have begun to duplicate international efforts by setting their own, stricter policies while others remain inactive or enact more lax regulation. This 'glocalization' of policy creates a complex and potentially costly patchwork system of regulations. To shed light on this phenomenon, this article analyzes the interaction between subnational and national governments within a game-theoretic model of international treaty negotiations. The glocalization of regulatory policy can be understood as an attempt by subnational policy makers to strategically constrain or empower national governments in international negotiations. The study finds that the shadow of international treaty formation gives rise to within-country and cross-country policy balancing dynamics that may explain some of the subnational policy polarization that is currently observable in many countries. The article specifies the conditions under which these dynamics occur, spells out empirically testable hypotheses and identifies possible theoretical extensions.},
author = {Bechtel, Michael M. and Urpelainen, Johannes},
doi = {10.1017/S0007123413000495},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bechtel, Urpelainen - 2015 - All Policies Are Glocal International Environmental Policy Making with Strategic Subnational Governments.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14692112},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
month = {nov},
number = {3},
pages = {559--582},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{All Policies Are Glocal: International Environmental Policy Making with Strategic Subnational Governments}},
volume = {45},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Abdelal2015a,
abstract = {Multinational firms unavoidably exert influence over politics through power that is generated by both structure and process. While both political economy and management scholars address international firms, neither field has an adequate understanding of the reciprocal relationship between multinational firms and geopolitical systems. The links between multinational firms form a distinct type of international system for the private sector - one that is simultaneously enmeshed in geopolitics and international markets even as it is also autonomous from them. The scholarly literature on the power of business in politics has demonstrated how influence derives from instrumental agency as well as structural influence, but it has taken an unnecessarily restrictive view of politics and an overly materialist theory of power. Politics are about much more than government policies. In this paper I propose an analytical framework for understanding the multinational firm as a set of relationships. I then apply one key element of that approach - the relationships among firms as a direct source of geopolitical outcomes - to the natural gas trade of Eurasia in three eras that span nearly 40 years. I conclude that the influence of business on a broader understanding of politics - and not just policies - should be central to the study of international and comparative political economy.},
author = {Abdelal, Rawi},
doi = {10.1515/bap-2014-0044},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Abdelal - 2015 - The multinational firm and geopolitics Europe, Russian energy, and power.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
month = {oct},
number = {3},
pages = {553--576},
publisher = {Walter de Gruyter GmbH},
title = {{The multinational firm and geopolitics: Europe, Russian energy, and power}},
volume = {17},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Weil2018,
abstract = {E.U. and U.S. businesses in China are actively shaping the business environment according to their interests. As a state-corporatist framework is applied, the question arises as to how Western businesses go about lobbying China's policies. This article provides insights on what kind of lobbying tools Western interest groups apply to actively influence China's party state. Drawing on a large data set of lobbying actions toward indigenous innovation policies, this article aims to demonstrate that China's political system is receptive to influence from the outside. The argument builds on evidence showing that China's state corporatist system provides some leeway for pluralist lobbying strategies. It is hypothesized that Western interest groups are not completely co-opted by China's state-corporatist system, which increases the number of membership driven lobbying strategies. As Western groups stand outside the system, they are expected to devote their lobbying efforts to the international level. Specifically, this article analyzes how constrained access in domestic China affects transnational venue shopping versus domestic strategies.},
author = {Weil, Stefanie},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2017.15},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weil - 2018 - The strange case of pluralist lobbying in a corporatist setting Defending Western business interests in China.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1469-3569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {70--97},
title = {{The strange case of pluralist lobbying in a corporatist setting: Defending Western business interests in China}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S1469356917000155/type/journal{\_}article},
volume = {20},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Meckling2018a,
abstract = {The global energy industry is transforming as governments invest in clean energy technologies to address climate change, enhance energy security, and strengthen national competitiveness. Comparative research on clean energy transitions highlights the domestic drivers and constraints of clean energy transitions. This article contends that we need to understand the effects of global interdependence on clean energy transitions. Shifts in forms of interdependence between firms - influenced by the rise of global supply chains - have new implications for policy choices made by governments. Governments face more complex demands from domestic industries facing global economic competition, and act strategically in response to the actions of other governments, including sub-national actors, and firms in the global economy. We suggest that research on interdependence in clean energy transitions benefits from an analytical focus on mechanisms of transnational change such as cross-national and multi-level policy feedback and cross-national policy sequencing. Global interdependence has important implications for economic and environmental outcomes, affecting the durability of competitive advantage, and influencing the pace of the diffusion of clean energy technologies.},
author = {Meckling, Jonas and Hughes, Llewelyn},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2018.25},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Meckling, Hughes - 2018 - Global interdependence in clean energy transitions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
keywords = {business-government relations,energy transition,industrial policy,interdependence},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {467--491},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Global interdependence in clean energy transitions}},
volume = {20},
year = {2018}
}
@article{McGuire2014,
abstract = {The commercial aircraft industry is no stranger to trade friction, which has brought bitter international disputes over industrial policy to the World Trade Organization (WTO). Yet despite the fact that several countries, notably China, Japan and Russia have stated their intentions to develop aircraft that can compete with other countries, these efforts have not led to a trade dispute. What explains this pattern? Drawing on sources such as the Global Trade Alert database, this paper argues that that the complexity of the aircraft industry generates considerable barriers to entry. Moreover, emerging aerospace states have not repeated earlier efforts of direct subsidy, but rather, they have sought to position themselves in the global aerospace value chain, with selective government interventions designed to help national champions accumulate the necessary technical experience though collaboration with incumbent firms. However, the very diversity of government supports may make protectionist measures more difficult to identify.},
author = {McGuire, Steven},
doi = {10.1515/bap-2014-0014},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/McGuire - 2014 - Global value chains and state support in the aircraft industry.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {615--639},
publisher = {Walter de Gruyter GmbH},
title = {{Global value chains and state support in the aircraft industry}},
volume = {16},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Alimadadi2014,
abstract = {Emerging markets are rapidly gaining importance in the world economy and many multinational corporations (MNCs) are taking advantage of this economic development by expanding their activities there. Due to the high level of perceived uncertainty and lack of formal institutions in these markets, firms cope by relying on network relationships with other organizational actors - including societal and political actors - in their environment. In these uncertain environments, where political and economic change is frequent, firms may have to negotiate their relationships frequently - building new ties and severing old ones. In this paper, findings from a case study of Turkey reveal that while the role of political actors in emerging markets should not be neglected, the value of political ties are contingent on the market environment and can change in the face of state policy change. Hence, MNCs tend to buffer the political hazards through their connections to the business and civil society organizations. Consequently, we suggest that researchers in this field might improve the explanatory power of their models by including consideration of the context that firms are embedded in. Then the focus needs to be shifted towards the interplay between different actors and the indirect impact of network ties along with the direct effects.},
author = {Alimadadi, Siavash and Pahlberg, Cecilia},
doi = {10.1515/bap-2013-0013},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Alimadadi, Pahlberg - 2014 - A network view of MNC embeddedness in a politically uncertain market The case of Turkey.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
month = {aug},
number = {2},
pages = {339--372},
publisher = {Walter de Gruyter GmbH},
title = {{A network view of MNC embeddedness in a politically uncertain market: The case of Turkey}},
volume = {16},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Godinez2016,
abstract = {This study researches how the arbitrariness and pervasiveness of corruption affect the decision-making process and subsequent operations of firms investing in highly corrupt host locations. The results of the analysis demonstrate that firms headquartered in countries where corruption is high have an advantage when operating in a foreign country with a similar institutional environment. The reason for this advantage is that these firms possess knowledge of how to cope with the arbitrary and pervasive dimensions of corruption. Firms from countries with lower corruption levels than the host country, however, are more affected by corruption in a highly corrupt host country. Finally, though this study finds evidence that all firms operating in a highly corrupt country might participate in corrupt deals, those headquartered in highly corrupt countries are more likely to be willing to do so. This claim is based on 12 in-depth interviews with managers with FDI allocation responsibilities of firms operating in a highly corrupt host country. The results show that firms from less corrupt countries face stronger pressures from their headquarters to not engage in corrupt deals, whereas firms from more corrupt countries do not encounter such pressures.},
author = {Godinez, Jose and Garita, Mauricio},
doi = {10.1515/bap-2013-0033},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Godinez, Garita - 2016 - The dimensions of corruption and its impact on FDI decision making The case of Guatemala.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
month = {aug},
number = {2},
pages = {123--141},
publisher = {Walter de Gruyter GmbH},
title = {{The dimensions of corruption and its impact on FDI decision making: The case of Guatemala}},
volume = {18},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Casanova2014,
abstract = {While the West is struggling to find a way out of recession, emerging markets present myriad opportunities for growth. This paper offers a new perspective on how global economic triangulation facilitates trade between regions. Triangulation occurs where barriers exist to trade and investment between two countries and a third party (e.g., a country) acts as a facilitator or bridge. The "bridge model," as we call it, shifts the focus away from national policy as a facilitator of international trade and emphasizes the role of companies. Corporate bridge-building is essentially a form of economic triangulation, and we use the terms "bridge" and "triangulation" interchangeably. Various examples are cited to show how Spanish multinational companies have served as a bridge connecting Asia and Latin America, and in so doing have expanded their own business. Thanks to their links with both regions they create business relationships that might otherwise be impeded by cultural or language barriers, facilitating the flow of products, knowledge and financial resources. In this way firms in otherwise stagnating economies have an opportunity to grow by facilitating trade and investment between emerging markets via the bridge model.},
author = {Casanova, Lourdes and Rodr{\'{i}}guez-Montemayor, Eduardo},
doi = {10.1515/bap-2013-0028},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Casanova, Rodr{\'{i}}guez-Montemayor - 2014 - The bridge model How Spanish multinationals are building economic ties between Asia and Latin A.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
month = {oct},
number = {3},
pages = {373--391},
publisher = {Walter de Gruyter GmbH},
title = {{The bridge model: How Spanish multinationals are building economic ties between Asia and Latin America}},
volume = {16},
year = {2014}
}
@article{BauerleDanzman2019a,
abstract = {The past three decades have witnessed a spectacular evolution in policies toward foreign direct investment (FDI). Whose interests do these policy innovations reflect? While existing theory suggests popular pressure drives openness, I argue reforms occur when shifts in financial access change local economic elites' policy preferences toward FDI. When large domestic firms no longer have access to cheap credit through political connections, liquidity constraints outweigh firms' preferences to exclude foreigners. Economic elites then pressure governments to pursue liberal FDI policy environments. Using a combination of measures of FDI policy for up to 166 countries from 1973–2015, I find increases in financial constraints are robustly associated with decreases in foreign equity restrictions, and this relationship is strongest when domestic political institutions favor business interests. A financing constraints explanation of FDI policy reform has important implications for explanations of policy change, theories of business power amid increased interdependence, and expectations over the distributive effects of globalization.},
author = {{Bauerle Danzman}, Sarah},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2019.13},
issn = {1469-3569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
title = {{Foreign direct investment policy, domestic firms, and financial constraints}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Reddie2017,
abstract = {This article examines the controversial investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms in recent mega-free trade agreement. Below, I examine the origins of the ISDS concept and outline the controversy surrounding its use in the context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). Then, I provide a theoretical discussion that outlines both the exogenous and endogenous factors that contribute to the inclusion of ISDS provisions in international trade agreements. Focusing on the latter endogenous factors, I then argue that not all international trade agreements are the same and that, as such, it is possible to develop a typology of international trade agreement across two variables (the number of parties and relative power) that impact the appropriateness of including an ISDS provision. I test this typology against the empirical record. Finally, I discuss potential innovations to the ISDS provisions and market-based mechanisms that address the dual challenges of discrimination and expropriation that ISDS is designed to address. 1},
author = {Reddie, Andrew},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2017.27},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Reddie - 2017 - Power in international trade politics Is ISDS a solution in search of a problem.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
keywords = {Dispute settlement,ISDS,International trade agreements,TTIP},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {738--757},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Power in international trade politics: Is ISDS a solution in search of a problem?}},
volume = {19},
year = {2017}
}
@misc{Duanmu2018,
abstract = {Building on the growing debate on political determinants of foreign direct investment, we investigate the relationship between U.S. political influence and the global distribution of China's outward foreign direct investment (OFDI). Using country-level and firm-level datasets of China's greenfield investment, we find strong evidence that Chinese state controlled firms strategically reduce investment in host countries under significant political influence of the United States. Our results are robust to alternative specification and two falsification tests. The findings suggest that the Chinese government uses FDI as a way of economic diplomacy.},
author = {Duanmu, Jing Lin and Urdinez, Francisco},
booktitle = {Business and Politics},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2017.5},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Duanmu, Urdinez - 2018 - The dissuasive effect of U.S. political influence on Chinese FDI during the Going Global policy era.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {38--69},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The dissuasive effect of U.S. political influence on Chinese FDI during the Going Global policy era}},
volume = {20},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Hachigian2015,
abstract = {An increasing number of public institutional investors are adopting sustainable and ethical investment policies. While financial tests of materiality and norm structures are often assumed to guide their implementation, this assumption is challenged by the increasing complexity in global financial markets. This article provides an analytical framework to explain these implementation problems by drawing attention to the ambiguity inherent in investment policies. Ambiguity means there is no ideal outcome. Agents must use their discretion to interpret investment policies, which is at odds with conventional theories of discretion that assume a unique policy goal. This article argues that ambiguity impacts institutional investors in two contrasting ways. Ambiguity acts as a builtin mechanism for adapting investment policies to increasing complexity in global financial markets. But the resources required to maintain legitimacy under ambiguity detract from the investors capacity to actually implement its policy. This ramework is used to analyze the evolution of the Norwegian sovereign wealth fund (SWF)s ethical investment policy. The article finds that agents use their discretion to interpret the Funds investment policy in ways that align with its long-term mandate.},
author = {Hachigian, Heather},
doi = {10.1515/bap-2014-0038},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hachigian - 2015 - Ambiguity, discretion and ethics in Norway's sovereign wealth fund.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {603--631},
publisher = {Walter de Gruyter GmbH},
title = {{Ambiguity, discretion and ethics in Norway's sovereign wealth fund}},
volume = {17},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Kowal2018,
abstract = {Scholars and politicians in recent years have become concerned with rising levels of inequality among Americans, heightened in the aftermath of the 2010 Supreme Court decision in Citizens United v. F.E.C. The suspicion over an ever larger influence of corporate and elite interest over public policy has brought about significant public backlash, even becoming a key platform of reformist candidates such as Sen. Bernie Sanders. In large part, these fears have yet to be realized, as many corporations have chosen to remain on the sidelines in American elections and have not fully taken advantage of their newfound rights. At the same time, we have observed a stark rise in corporate lobbying expenditures in recent decades. What explains the puzzle of how corporations choose to engage in new or expanded forms of political activity, and even what drives the spread of corporate norms? This study investigates the conditions under which corporations may come to embrace political action.},
author = {Kowal, Michael S.},
booktitle = {Business and Politics},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2017.14},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kowal - 2018 - Corporate politicking, together Trade association ties, lobbying, and campaign giving.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
keywords = {Campaign finance,Lobbying,Networks,Trade associations},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {98--131},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Corporate politicking, together: Trade association ties, lobbying, and campaign giving}},
volume = {20},
year = {2018}
}
@misc{Rosales2018,
abstract = {Scholarship in international political economy (IPE) has noted the rise of resource nationalism in since the early 2000s. Despite the increased presence of state regulation in the resource sector, resource nationalism has not been incompatible with foreign investment. This article contributes to better understand resource nationalist policies that emerged in recent years and offers new theoretical insights to explain state-IOC relations by integrating obsolescing bargaining theories and constructivist approaches. Drawing on the case of Venezuela, this article explains how the Ch{\'{a}}vez regime pursued a hybrid model of control and welcoming of investments in the oil sector. The article argues that both bargaining insights and ideational considerations are important in explaining this model. In the context of high oil prices and sunk investments, it is unsurprising that a leftist government would seek to renegotiate contracts to seek better deals from extractive companies. Yet, focusing exclusively on those incentives misses important ideational drivers for the government to keep investors in the country. For Ch{\'{a}}vez's government, effecting changes in the oil policy was possible after waging an intense battle with its NOC, PDVSA, over control. Association with foreign investment became crucial to build its socialist model and to control its own company.},
author = {Rosales, Antulio},
booktitle = {Business and Politics},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2018.6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rosales - 2018 - Pursuing foreign investment for nationalist goals Venezuela's hybrid resource nationalism.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
keywords = {Hugo Ch{\'{a}}vez,PDVSA,Venezuela,obsolescing bargain,resource nationalism,state-IOC bargain},
month = {sep},
number = {3},
pages = {438--464},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Pursuing foreign investment for nationalist goals: Venezuela's hybrid resource nationalism}},
volume = {20},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Chrun2018,
abstract = {While many scholars have studied urban bias in public policy, the potential for bias in the private provision of public goods has received little attention. Private certification is a mechanism encouraging private provision of environmental public goods. We show that within countries, there are often wide disparities in certification rates between firms located in urban and non-urban areas. However, these disparities can be mitigated if there is a countervailing force: scrutiny of firms' practices by key stakeholders. We suggest that the presence of strong civil society, independent media, a functioning state regulatory apparatus, and multinational owners can ameliorate the urban bias in certification uptakes. We test this argument with global, firm-level data covering over 40,000 firms in ninety-three countries. Our analyses suggest that an urban bias is mitigated when stakeholders - both public and private - have the freedom and capacity to scrutinize firms' activities.},
author = {Chrun, Elizabeth and Berliner, Daniel and Prakash, Aseem},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2017.33},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chrun, Berliner, Prakash - 2018 - Stakeholder scrutiny, urban bias, and the private provision of public goods.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
keywords = {environmental governance,information,private regulation,urban bias},
month = {jun},
number = {2},
pages = {273--300},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Stakeholder scrutiny, urban bias, and the private provision of public goods}},
volume = {20},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Farrell2015,
abstract = {What is the relationship between globalization and the political power of business? Much of the existing literature focuses on the ability of mobile capital to threaten exit in order to press for more business friendly rules. In this article, we refine arguments about exit options in global markets by arguing that the relative exit options available to business and other actors are neither fixed, nor exogenous consequences of some generically conceived process of globalization. Instead, they themselves are the result of struggles between actors with different interests and political opportunities. Since exit options play a crucial role in determining the relative structural power of business vis-a-vis other actors, we dub the power to shape exit options structuring power, distinguishing it from structural power, and argue that it is crucial to explaining it. We identify two channels through which actors can shape exit options - extending jurisdictional reach and reshaping the rules of other jurisdictions - and the factors that will make regulators and business more or less capable of exercising structuring power. We then use two exploratory case studies - one involving privacy regulation, the other accountancy standards - to illustrate how structuring power can work to shape exit options, and thus structural power. We conclude by considering the relationship between structuring power, structural power, and the existing literature in comparative and international political economy.},
author = {Farrell, Henry and Newman, Abraham L.},
doi = {10.1515/bap-2015-0007},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Farrell, Newman - 2015 - Structuring power Business and authority beyond the nation state.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
month = {oct},
number = {3},
pages = {527--552},
publisher = {Walter de Gruyter GmbH},
title = {{Structuring power: Business and authority beyond the nation state}},
volume = {17},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Winecoff2017,
abstract = {Predominant models of financial regulation based on representative agents - in both the public interest and public choice traditions - assume that competitive pressures in financial markets undermine prudential behavior by firms in the absence of regulation. One empirical expectation of these models is behavioral: firms should adjust their risk-taking behaviors in response to the regulatory environment they face but should not over-comply with regulations. That is, the central tendency of bank behaviors should hew closely to regulatory minima and the variance should be small. I first demonstrate that this expectation is not borne out by the empirical record and then advance a theoretical argument that does not rely on a representative agent model. I argue that firms face a range of incentives from markets and governments that condition their risk-taking behaviors, and firms choose a preferred habitat within a market structure. Some of these incentives are towards greater risk-taking, while others are in the direction of greater prudence. This framework provides opportunities for examining financial market actors in a realistic context, and offers ways to unify micro-level and structural analyses of the political economy of global finance.},
author = {Winecoff, William Kindred},
booktitle = {Business and Politics},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2017.7},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Winecoff - 2017 - Global finance as a politicized habitat.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
month = {jun},
number = {2},
pages = {267--297},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Global finance as a politicized habitat}},
volume = {19},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Steffen2018,
abstract = {As renewable energy supply chains have grown increasingly globalized, national clean energy transitions have become highly influenced by international dynamics. However, these dynamics are themselves collectively shaped by domestic policy that drives the deployment of renewables. While spatial spillovers of domestic renewable energy policies have been studied on an aggregate level regarding policy diffusion or the flows of technology across countries, implications on an actor-level have been largely neglected. This article addresses this gap by analyzing global patterns of market openings for wind, solar PV, and biomass, focusing on the role of private project developers in developing countries. We use a mixed method design, based on a newly merged dataset encompassing eighty countries, and on interviews with pioneering project developers. Results highlight how patterns in market openings are shaped considerably by technology characteristics. Further, empirical results show international private developers are a key first mover in many developing countries. We explore drivers for this internationalization trend, including the impact of international developers' home country policies and the accumulation of tacit knowledge from home country markets for market openings abroad. Finally, we discuss implications for industrial policy and argue for further research on global spillovers of national policies on the actor-level.},
author = {Steffen, Bjarne and Matsuo, Tyeler and Steinemann, Davita and Schmidt, Tobias S.},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2018.17},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Steffen et al. - 2018 - Opening new markets for clean energy The role of project developers in the global diffusion of renewable energy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
keywords = {energy transition,market opening,project developer,renewable energy,spatial spillover},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {553--587},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Opening new markets for clean energy: The role of project developers in the global diffusion of renewable energy technologies}},
volume = {20},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Plouffe2017,
abstract = {Recent research in international political economy has begun to explore the implications of producer heterogeneity for trade politics. Variations in productivity and size lead to systematic variations in market behaviors, especially with respect to firms' abilities to engage foreign markets. This heterogeneity similarly leads to systematic variations in policy stances: Highly productive firms are more likely to favor trade liberalization than their less productive counterparts. I test the role of firm heterogeneity on trade-policy stances using original and representative survey data of Japanese manufacturers. I find that highly productive firms are more likely to favor liberalization than others, while a large portion of producers is indifferent to trade-policy reform. Other producers do not know how they would be impacted by liberalization; these tend to be smaller than their counterparts. The relationship between productivity and pro-trade attitudes is robust, even when controlling for a wide range of internationalization modes.},
author = {Plouffe, Michael},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2016.6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Plouffe - 2017 - Firm heterogeneity and trade-policy stances evidence from a survey of Japanese producers.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
journal = {Business and Politics},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {1--40},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Firm heterogeneity and trade-policy stances evidence from a survey of Japanese producers}},
volume = {19},
year = {2017}
}
@misc{Aggarwal2017,
abstract = {This special issue focuses on the difficulties of negotiating the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), with contributions by scholars from different perspectives. This introductory article briefly examines the trend to mega-FTAs of which TTIP is a leading example. It then reviews the contributions to this special issue, drawing on an analytical approach that reflects extant work on transnational and transgovernmental relations. This approach, we contend, helps to understand the stark mismatch between the desire of some parties to negotiate binding trade rules on behind-The-border regulatory policies in certain key sectors of national economies and the progress made in TTIP talks. We then highlight the significance of some key actors in a case study of failed E.U. attempts to include financial sector reforms and associated regulatory processes in TTIP.},
author = {Aggarwal, Vinod K. and Evenett, Simon J.},
booktitle = {Business and Politics},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2017.19},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aggarwal, Evenett - 2017 - The transatlantic trade and investment partnership Limits on negotiating behind the border barriers.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
keywords = {Financial services,International negotiations,Mega-FTAs,TTIP,Trade},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {549--572},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{The transatlantic trade and investment partnership: Limits on negotiating behind the border barriers}},
volume = {19},
year = {2017}
}
@misc{Curran2018,
abstract = {The increasing impact of the international trade governance regime on the domestic regulatory sphere and the growing inter-linkages between international companies through their involvement in global value chains, have complicated corporate political activity (CPA) in the trade arena and changed the way companies interact with governments in this context. This paper draws on several recent examples of novel forms of CPA in trade conflicts at both multilateral and regional (E.U.) level, to provide an updated conceptual framework of trade policy CPA, which takes account of the increasing complexity and interconnectedness in the world economy. We highlight, in particular, the fact that this changing context means that domestic interests are often heterogeneous. The international linkages of a firm may dictate trade policy preferences more than its nationality. In addition, non-government actors increasingly react to globalization by mobilizing transnationally, with positive and negative impacts for CPA. CPA strategy has adapted to that reality, in both home and host country contexts, leading to novel cross border alliances and even political activity in countries where, although their local presence is relatively low, companies find common interests.},
author = {Curran, Louise and Eckhardt, Jappe},
booktitle = {Business and Politics},
doi = {10.1017/bap.2017.26},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Curran, Eckhardt - 2018 - Influencing trade policy in a multi-level system - Understanding corporate political activity in the context o.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14693569},
keywords = {Global value chains,Sin industries,Trade policy,Transnational corporate political activity,WTO disputes},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {132--164},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
title = {{Influencing trade policy in a multi-level system - Understanding corporate political activity in the context of global value chains and regime complexity}},
volume = {20},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Magaloni2019,
abstract = {Can ethnically distinct communities ruled through “traditional” assemblies provide public goods and services better, than when they are ruled by leaders elected through “modern” multiparty elections? We exploit a unique institutional feature in the state of Oaxaca, Mexico, where municipalities are ruled by traditional governance institutions, to explore the effect of these forms of governance on the provision of public goods. Using locality-level census data, we study the provision of local public goods through a geographic discontinuity approach. We demonstrate that communities ruled by traditional governance practices offer more effective provision of local public goods than equally poor communities ruled by political parties. Relying on qualitative fieldwork and household surveys, we argue that the significant differences in the provision of public goods according to governance regime derive from community practices that solve collective action problems, enhance citizen participation in public decisions, and restrain elite capture.},
author = {Magaloni, Beatriz and D{\'{i}}az-Cayeros, Alberto and {Ruiz Euler}, Alexander},
doi = {10.1177/0010414019857094},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Magaloni, D{\'{i}}az-Cayeros, Ruiz Euler - 2019 - Public Good Provision and Traditional Governance in Indigenous Communities in Oaxaca, Mexic.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15523829},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {Indigenous,Latin American politics,Native American,decentralization,political economy,politics of growth/development,soveriegnty,subnational politics},
mendeley-tags = {Indigenous,Native American,soveriegnty},
month = {oct},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc.},
title = {{Public Good Provision and Traditional Governance in Indigenous Communities in Oaxaca, Mexico}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Owen2019,
abstract = {Governments actively court foreign direct investment (FDI) as a tool for economic growth and development. Despite the important role of FDI in the global economy, we do not know how this activity affects election outcomes. Crucially, state and local governments are often responsible for attracting FDI. Although FDI creates jobs, it also generates competition for domestic producers. Drawing on theories of global production, I argue that inward FDI increases the net welfare of voters in the local host economy. Therefore, new investment should increase the electoral success of incumbent parties in local elections. I use new project-level greenfield FDI data to test this claim in the context of Brazilian mayoral elections between 2004 and 2012. I find that the announcement of a new investment project increases the probability that the incumbent party wins reelection. The findings suggest a channel through which globalization directly affects mass politics at the subnational level.},
author = {Owen, Erica},
doi = {10.1177/0010414018797936},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Owen - 2019 - Foreign Direct Investment and Elections The Impact of Greenfield FDI on Incumbent Party Reelection in Brazil.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15523829},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {elections,foreign direct investment,globalization,public opinion,voting behavior},
month = {mar},
number = {4},
pages = {613--645},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc.},
title = {{Foreign Direct Investment and Elections: The Impact of Greenfield FDI on Incumbent Party Reelection in Brazil}},
volume = {52},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Schmidt2014b,
abstract = {In this article, we address the question of whether the policy statements of political parties with regard to migration affect the link between individual anti-immigrant sentiment and support for redistributive policies. While the effect of political parties "playing the race card" is well documented and repeatedly discussed in the American context, it has received little attention in comparative studies. We test our measurements of issue-salience with regard to migration and welfare-related matters by conducting multilevel models for a sample of 14 European countries. We also control for the potential effects of the countries' welfare regimes-which is so far the most prominent contextual variable. Our results strongly indicate a moderating party-effect: The more parties accentuate crucial migration issues, the less general support there is for welfare programs by native anti-immigrant groups. In contrast, we find no effect of the repeatedly discussed welfare regime on this relationship, once controlled for party statements. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2013.},
author = {Schmidt, Alexander W. and Spies, Dennis C.},
doi = {10.1177/0010414013488542},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schmidt, Spies - 2014 - Do Parties Playing the Race Card Undermine Natives' Support for Redistribution Evidence From Europe.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00104140},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {European Social Survey,migration,multilevel analysis,party discourse,redistribution,welfare chauvinism,welfare state},
month = {mar},
number = {4},
pages = {519--549},
title = {{Do Parties "Playing the Race Card" Undermine Natives' Support for Redistribution? Evidence From Europe}},
volume = {47},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bak2016,
abstract = {This article examines how foreign direct investment (FDI) affects the likelihood of authoritarian leaders' political survival. We argue that FDI reduces the likelihood of experiencing political challenges from elites. We present two mechanisms for this claim. First, the host governments of authoritarian regimes can use FDI for long-term private good provision, so that FDI helps them to appease elite dissents and to buy off potential elite challengers. Second, FDI mitigates a commitment problem between elites and authoritarian leadership by creating an FDI-related distributional coalition, which in turn makes political defections costly to both parties. Our empirical tests using various two-stage estimators show that FDI significantly decreases the likelihood of elite-driven authoritarian leadership failure and coup attempt.},
author = {Bak, Daehee and Moon, Chungshik},
doi = {10.1177/0010414016655536},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bak, Moon - 2016 - Foreign Direct Investment and Authoritarian Stability.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {autocracy,coup,elite defection,foreign direct investment,leadership stability},
month = {dec},
number = {14},
pages = {1998--2037},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc.},
title = {{Foreign Direct Investment and Authoritarian Stability}},
volume = {49},
year = {2016}
}
@misc{Holzinger2018,
abstract = {Many constitutions of the world contain special provisions for indigenous communities, granting them particular rights and regulating their traditional political institutions and customary law. Building on rational theories of constitution-making, we employ a demand and supply framework to explain the constitutionalization of such provisions. To test our hypotheses, we code the presence of indigenous provisions in the current constitutions of 193 United Nations member states. We find full democracy and previous conflict to stimulate the inclusion of indigenous group rights but not of customary law and traditional institutions. Customary law and traditional institutions are more likely constitutionalized in countries with high ethnic fractionalization. Low levels of modernity affect particularly the constitutionalization of traditional political institutions, while low levels of development correlate with provisions on customary law. Former British colonies are more likely to constitutionalize customary law.},
author = {Holzinger, Katharina and Haer, Roos and Bayer, Axel and Behr, Daniela M. and Neupert-Wentz, Clara},
booktitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
doi = {10.1177/0010414018774347},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Holzinger et al. - 2018 - The Constitutionalization of Indigenous Group Rights, Traditional Political Institutions, and Customary Law.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15523829},
keywords = {Indigenous,Native American,constitutionalization,customary law,indigenous rights,sovereignty,traditional institutions},
mendeley-tags = {Indigenous,Native American,sovereignty},
month = {may},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc.},
title = {{The Constitutionalization of Indigenous Group Rights, Traditional Political Institutions, and Customary Law}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Hobolt2015,
abstract = {How do issues enter the political arena and come to affect party competition? This study extends the literature on issue evolution from the U.S. context to multiparty systems. While traditional models assume opposition parties to be the agents of issue evolution, this study argues that within multiparty competition not all parties in opposition have an incentive to change the issue basis of political competition. The central propositions of our issue entrepreneurship model are twofold: First, political parties are more likely to become issue entrepreneurs when they are losers on the dominant dimension of contestation. We focus on three components of political loss in multiparty systems relating to the office-seeking, voting-seeking, and policy-seeking objectives of parties. Second, parties will choose which issue to promote on the basis of their internal cohesion and proximity to the mean voter on that same issue. We test these propositions by examining the evolution of the issue of European integration in 14 European party systems from 1984 to 2006. The time-series cross-sectional analyses lend strong support to our model.},
author = {Hobolt, Sara B. and de Vries, Catherine E.},
doi = {10.1177/0010414015575030},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hobolt, de Vries - 2015 - Issue Entrepreneurship and Multiparty Competition.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15523829},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {issue entrepreneurship,issue evolution,multiparty systems,political parties},
month = {aug},
number = {9},
pages = {1159--1185},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc.},
title = {{Issue Entrepreneurship and Multiparty Competition}},
volume = {48},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Owen2015a,
abstract = {How does organized labor shape restrictions on inward foreign direct investment (FDI)? Distributional consequences, drawn from heterogeneous firms theory, suggest that although inward FDI benefits a subset of workers, a greater number of workers is hurt by inward FDI, leading labor in the aggregate to support restrictions on inward FDI. I argue that the political power of labor is determined by the position of labor vis-{\`{a}}-vis other actors in society and the unity of labor's policy preferences. The share of the labor force that is unionized determines the relative importance of labor interests, while union concentration determines whether the aggregate policy position of organized labor is unified or fragmented. In an analysis of 19 developed countries from 1971 and 2000, I find evidence that greater union density leads to more restrictions on inward investment when unions are concentrated.},
author = {Owen, Erica},
doi = {10.1177/0010414015592641},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Owen - 2015 - The Political Power of Organized Labor and the Politics of Foreign Direct Investment in Developed Democracies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15523829},
journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
keywords = {foreign direct investment,globalization,organized labor,political economy},
month = {nov},
number = {13},
pages = {1746--1780},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc.},
title = {{The Political Power of Organized Labor and the Politics of Foreign Direct Investment in Developed Democracies}},
volume = {48},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Kim2018a,
abstract = {The role transparency plays in the prevention of currency crises is widely acknowledged. Nevertheless, the relationship between transparency and currency crises has rarely been subjected to systematic cross-national scrutiny. This paper attempts to explore the effect of transparency on currency crises by focusing on a specific dimension of transparency: the public dissemination of aggregate economic data by governments. My analysis provides strong evidence that greater transparency is associated with a lower likelihood of currency crises, regardless of economic conditions. When I add economic and political determinants of currency crises, the estimate of transparency remains unaltered in magnitude or statistical significance.},
author = {Kim, Nam Kyu},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12117},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim - 2018 - Transparency and currency crises.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {394--422},
title = {{Transparency and currency crises}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Chiang2013,
abstract = {This article investigates economic factors and non-economic factors of individual attitudes toward free-trade agreements with different countries. Based on the Stolper-Samuelson theorem, highly skilled workers in Taiwan should be more supportive of free trade with China and less supportive of free trade with the United States than should unskilled workers in Taiwan. Using survey data from Taiwan, we find that highly educated people in Taiwan are more supportive of free trade with both the United States and China, and the effects of education are much stronger with respect to free trade with China. We also find that individual risk attitudes, national identity, and ethnicity play important roles in explaining trade preferences. {\textcopyright} 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.},
author = {Chiang, Chun Fang and Liu, Jin Tan and Wen, Tsai Wei},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12000},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chiang, Liu, Wen - 2013 - Individual Preferences for Trade Partners in Taiwan.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {91--109},
title = {{Individual Preferences for Trade Partners in Taiwan}},
volume = {25},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Kishishita2018,
abstract = {Expectation about future trade liberalization induces sectoral adjustment in advance. As a result, the extent of opposition to trade liberalization decreases, and liberalization becomes self-fulfilling. We analyze this mechanism from two aspects: population aging and uncertainty. Then, we show that (1) the effect of expectation formation is non-monotonic across ages, and (2) the effect of population aging of workforce varies depending on its driving force. In addition, we analyze uncertainty about future trade liberalization. Then, we show that (3) the mechanism cannot work due to strategic delay even under small uncertainty, but (4) a subsidy scheme can resolve this problem.},
author = {Kishishita, Daiki},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12108},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kishishita - 2018 - When trade liberalization is self-fulfilling Population aging and uncertainty.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {expectation,population aging,strategic delay,trade liberalization},
number = {2},
pages = {274--306},
title = {{When trade liberalization is self-fulfilling: Population aging and uncertainty}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bohn2019,
abstract = {This paper combines incumbency advantage and political budget cycle theory. An opportunistic politician is given two instruments: deficit-financed transfers and propaganda. Unlike earlier analytical models, but in accordance with the empirical literature, government manipulations do actually improve re-election chances. However, the optimal level of government manipulation depends on country characteristics, in particular the competence dispersion among potential candidates. This may explain why it is easier to detect political budget cycles in, for instance, developing countries or new democracies. Results are robust to alternative competence distribution and propaganda cost assumptions.},
author = {Bohn, Frank},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12122},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bohn - 2019 - Political budget cycles, incumbency advantage, and propaganda.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {behavioral macroeconomics,deficit bias,disinformation,fiscal policy,near-rationality,political business cycle},
number = {1},
pages = {43--70},
title = {{Political budget cycles, incumbency advantage, and propaganda}},
volume = {31},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Hiscox2004,
abstract = {Conventional wisdom holds that increasing international capital mobility reduces incentives for firms to lobby for trade protection. This paper argues that the effects of increased international capital mobility on the lobbying incentives of firms depend critically upon levels of interindustry mobility. General-equilibrium analysis reveals that if capital is highly industry-specific, greater international mobility among some types of specific capital may increase lobbying incentives for owners of other specific factors and thereby intensify industry-based rent-seeking in trade politics. Evidence on levels of inward and outward investment in US manufacturing industries between 1982 and 1996, and on industry lobbying activities, indicate that these effects may be quite strong. {\textcopyright} Blackwell Publishing Ltd 2004.},
author = {Hiscox, Michael J.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.2004.00140.x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hiscox - 2004 - International capital mobility and trade politics Capital flows, political coalitions, and lobbying.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {253--285},
title = {{International capital mobility and trade politics: Capital flows, political coalitions, and lobbying}},
volume = {16},
year = {2004}
}
@article{Saha2019,
abstract = {Using primary evidence for 146 Indian manufacturing firms, I examine single and dual lobbying strategies for trade policy influence, and the factors driving firm's choice of these strategies. Firms can adopt a single strategy, by lobbying collec- tively as a group (Join Hands), or lobbying individually as a firm (Walk Alone). Firms can also adopt a dual strategy, that is, a combination of collective and individual lobbying. The choice of strategy is affected by sector concentration and by tradeoffs between lobbying intensity for sector‐wide and firm‐ specific outcomes. The following findings are new for India: First, majority of Indian firms (more than 64{\%} in the sample) use a dual strategy, suggesting the importance to better under- stand what drives dual strategies. Second, the likelihood of adopting a dual lobbying is higher in sectors that are charac- terized by low concentration (dispersion is higher), indicating a strong competition effect over free‐riding. Third, relative to the single strategy of collective lobbying, Indian manufactur- ing firms are likely to join hands while walking alone when targeting firm‐specific outcomes, but prefer to walk alone (single strategy of individual lobbying) when there are trade- offs between different outcomes, to react quickly. Finally, the availability of resources and firm's perceived effectiveness of its lobbying are significant drivers for the strategy choice.},
author = {Saha, Amrita},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12141},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Saha - 2019 - Join hands or walk alone Evidence on lobbying for trade policy in India.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0954-1985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {May 2017},
pages = {1--40},
title = {{Join hands or walk alone? Evidence on lobbying for trade policy in India}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Simmons2018,
abstract = {Critics of Ross's (American Political Science Review, 102, 2008, 107) gendered resource curse thesis argue that culture trumps oil wealth as a determinant of female labor force participation (FLFP). Here, I argue that, while cultural attributes do indeed affect the female labor supply, oil wealth reduces the demand for female labor by hurting the export-oriented industries that employ female labor intensively. By reducing the demand for female labor in this way, oil wealth undermines the positive effect of gender egalitarianism on FLFP. Thus, oil curses women. Using data from the World Values Survey and the World Bank, I find support for the argument.},
author = {Simmons, Joel W.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12127},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Simmons - 2018 - Does oil substitute for patriarchy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {Dutch Disease,exchange rates,gender,resource curse},
number = {February 2018},
pages = {293--322},
title = {{Does oil substitute for patriarchy?}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Spruk2019,
abstract = {This paper examines the contribution of administrative and procedural transaction costs to economic growth under common legal system. We show that administrative and procedural costs vary quite a lot even within the institutional environment sharing the common legal system. States with low-cost business registration, low-cost access to property rights and greater judicial efficiency tend to have consistently higher growth. The established effects are robust to alternative model specifications, heterogeneity bias, and to a variety of control variables that might confound the effects of administrative and procedural costs on growth. Such differences in costs are far from being trivial as we show that these within-system differences might be instrumental in influencing economic growth. Lower administrative and procedural costs induce growth by increasing investment rate, lowering unemployment rate, encouraging labor supply and improving total factor productivity. In the counterfactual scenario, the transition from high-cost to low-cost regime is associated with substantial growth and development gains over time. By exploiting the variation in the disease environment, ethnic fractionalization and historical urbanization, we show that the negative effect of rising procedural and administrative costs on growth and development appears to be causal.},
author = {Spruk, Rok and Kovac, Mitja},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12132},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Spruk, Kovac - 2019 - Transaction costs and economic growth under common legal system State-level evidence from Mexico.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {administrative and procedural costs,common legal system,economic growth,legal institutions},
number = {2},
pages = {240--292},
title = {{Transaction costs and economic growth under common legal system: State-level evidence from Mexico}},
volume = {31},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Bergh2019,
abstract = {This paper examines whether social spending cushions the effect of globalization on within‐country inequality. Using information on disposable and market income inequality and data on overall social spending, and health and educa- tion spending from the ILO and the World Bank/WHO, we analyze whether social spending moderates the association between economic globalization and inequality. The results confirm that economic globalization—especially economic flows—associates with higher income inequality, an effect driven by non‐OECD countries. Health spending is strongly associated with lower inequality, but we find no robust evi- dence that any kind of social spending negatively moder- ates the association between economic globalization and inequality.},
author = {Bergh, Andreas and Mirkina, Irina and Nilsson, Therese},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12143},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bergh, Mirkina, Nilsson - 2019 - Can social spending cushion the inequality effect of globalization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0954-1985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment,globalization,income inequality,social spending},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {April},
pages = {1--39},
title = {{Can social spending cushion the inequality effect of globalization?}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Liu2017,
abstract = {Trade has the potential to influence a wide range of political and social outcomes. Using the post-Soviet context, we examine how language policies – vital components for how minorities are treated with far-reaching economic consequences – are influenced by trade. We argue that while ethnic politics and colonial legacies are both important in shaping language laws, it is important to recognize that the Russian language remains a significant commercial lingua franca in the region. When economic exchanges between Russia and other post-Soviet republics are frequent, governments are more likely to adopt pro-Russian language laws as a practicality and to maintain favor with the Russian government and Russian-speaking businesses. Using an original dataset covering all Russian language-related laws in the former Soviet states from 1992 to 2009, we find a significant and positive relationship between trade and pro-Russian language laws. These results are robust even when we (1) instrument for Russian import levels and (2) consider the Baltic effect, spillovers from cultural affinity, and the uniqueness of fuel exports.},
author = {Liu, Amy H. and Roosevelt, Megan and {Wilson Sokhey}, Sarah},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12084},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Liu, Roosevelt, Wilson Sokhey - 2017 - Trade and the Recognition of Commercial Lingua Francas Russian Language Laws in Post-Soviet Count.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {48--68},
title = {{Trade and the Recognition of Commercial Lingua Francas: Russian Language Laws in Post-Soviet Countries}},
volume = {29},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Farias2014,
abstract = {This study explores the level of compliance and the subsequent economic performance of states in the context of anti-money laundering (AML) regulations. Following Holmstrom and Tirole (1997) and Obstfeld and Rogoff (1998), we examine why countries admit illicit flows of money and the economic costs of these transactions. Analyzing 36 Latin American and Caribbean jurisdictions between 1960 and 2010, we find that poor institutional performance by a jurisdiction (AML ratings, blacklists with non-cooperator countries, and corruption indicators) affects negatively the investment ratio to GDP, the FDI ratio to GDP, and financial development (ratio of credit markets to GDP). These findings are novel in the literature, offering an important contribution to the debate on financial regulatory convergence. {\textcopyright} 2013 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Far{\'{i}}as, Mar{\'{i}}a Elisa and de Almeida, Monica Arruda},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12028},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Far{\'{i}}as, de Almeida - 2014 - Does saying 'yes' to capital inflows necessarily mean good business The effect of antimoney laundering regu.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {96--127},
title = {{Does saying 'yes' to capital inflows necessarily mean good business? The effect of antimoney laundering regulations in the latin american and the caribbean economies}},
volume = {26},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Heckelman2013,
abstract = {We investigate whether the impact of institutions depends not just on their current state but also on how they came to be. In particular, we hypothesize that while economic freedom that emerges spontaneously may be growth promoting, economic freedom that emerges as a result of costly lobbying efforts may be less fruitful. In an extreme case, costly lobbying efforts may even negate the growth-enhancing effect of economic freedom. To the extent that lobbying efforts constitute an opportunity cost of resources diverted away from investment and production, our hypothesis also implies that greater the opportunity cost of lobbying, the more efficient is the institutional environment. Panel data analysis reveals the expected positive relation between economic freedom and growth, and consistent with our hypothesis, the findings indicate that the impact of economic freedom on growth does indeed diminish as lobbying efforts increase. In addition, we find that lobbying is more harmful to growth at greater levels of economic freedom. {\textcopyright} 2013 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Heckelman, Jac C. and Wilson, Bonnie},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12016},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Heckelman, Wilson - 2013 - Institutions, lobbying, and economic performance.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {360--386},
title = {{Institutions, lobbying, and economic performance}},
volume = {25},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Ansell2018,
abstract = {In recent years, global imbalances have channeled the excess savings of surplus countries toward the real estate markets of deficit countries. By consequence, the deficit countries that attracted lots of foreign capital experienced large run-ups in house prices, whereas most surplus countries that exported capital exhibited flat or slow house price growth. We first use new house price data and a novel instrumental variable design to show the causal relationship between housing prices and capital inflows, particularly through debt bonanzas. We then argue that international capital flows affect the fiscal policy preferences of both voters and political parties by way of their impact on housing prices. Where capital inflows are large and housing prices are rising, we expect voters to respond by demanding both lower taxes and less publicly-provided social insurance because rising house prices allow homeowners to self-insure against income loss. In contrast, declining house prices produce greater demands for social insurance, particularly among those most exposed to housing market risk. We present evidence from two cross-national surveys that supports these claims, as well as a “before and after” analysis of the housing crash in Eastern Europe. We also show that the connection between house prices and social policy also manifests itself in government spending outcomes, mediated by partisan control.},
author = {Ansell, Ben W. and Broz, J. Lawrence and Flaherty, Thomas},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12111},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ansell, Broz, Flaherty - 2018 - Global capital markets, housing prices, and partisan fiscal policies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {fiscal policy,foreign direct investment,globalization/integration,public finance,redistribution},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {307--339},
title = {{Global capital markets, housing prices, and partisan fiscal policies}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Ogawa2017,
abstract = {This study examines asymmetric tax competition under representative democracy systems. The findings show that the degree of asymmetry between countries affects the result of elections in each country, where the citizens select a policy-maker to set a tax rate for the country. In particular, under certain conditions, a decisive voter in the election can select a citizen whose share of the country's capital is higher than the decisive voter's own share.},
author = {Ogawa, Hikaru and Susa, Taiki},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12092},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ogawa, Susa - 2017 - Strategic delegation in asymmetric tax competition.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {strategic delegation,tax competition,terms of trade},
number = {3},
pages = {237--251},
title = {{Strategic delegation in asymmetric tax competition}},
volume = {29},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Chaudhuri2019,
abstract = {This paper is aimed at theoretically examining the conse- quence of the anti‐immigration policy adopted in the desti- nation country on the skilled–unskilled wage inequality in a source nation using a couple of two‐sector, specific‐fac- tor general equilibrium models in both the presence and absence of unemployment. Emigration requires incurring some capital cost for professional skill formation on the part of every prospective emigrant that adds to the opportunity cost of emigration. The authority of the destination country determines the number of visas to be granted and hence di- rectly controls the magnitude of skilled emigration from the source country. In the migration equilibrium, the expected skilled wage income abroad is equal to the opportunity cost of emigration. In both the presence and absence of unem- ployment of unskilled labor, the outcome of the policy on the wage inequality crucially hinges on both the magnitude of the fixed cost of emigration and the technological fac- tors. In the specific‐factor Harris–Todaro model, the degree of imperfection in the unskilled labor market is an addi- tional factor. Finally, some policy recommendations have been made for protecting the interest of the poor unskilled workforce.},
author = {Chaudhuri, Sarbajit},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12139},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chaudhuri - 2019 - Anti‐immigration policy in the destination country and skilled–unskilled wage inequality in a source economy with.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0954-1985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {anti‐immigration policy,destination country,general equilibrium model,skilled labor,source economy,unskilled labor,wage inequality},
number = {3},
pages = {465--484},
title = {{Anti‐immigration policy in the destination country and skilled–unskilled wage inequality in a source economy with or without unemployment}},
volume = {31},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Eterovic2014,
abstract = {Do democratic electoral systems strengthen a country's outcomes in education? Does the degree of inclusiveness of a democratic system matter? This article offers evidence that political competition and the inclusion of marginalized populations in electoral systems transformed education over an 80-year period in Latin America. It finds that democracy has a positive effect on education enrollment and illustrates how current work on democracy and development has overlooked important democratic subcomponents, specifically, who votes and how. Our results deepen current work on democracy, operationalizing the impact of electoral expansion in comparative analysis and showing how democracies respond to specific education demands. {\textcopyright} 2014 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Eterovic, Dalibor S. and Sweet, Cassandra M.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12033},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eterovic, Sweet - 2014 - Democracy and education in twentieth-century Latin America.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {237--262},
title = {{Democracy and education in twentieth-century Latin America}},
volume = {26},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Mohtadi2019,
abstract = {Evidence has shown that petroleum wealth is associated with less transparency and at the same time less tax collection. In this paper, we find that the two issues are linked through the citizens' tax evasion behavior. We develop a model to explain this link and conduct extensive empirical tests of its validity. The explanation is that officials tradeoff greater transparency to improve tax compliance against less transparency to increase gains from corruption. Oil windfalls diminish tax revenue needs, causing officials to optimize on less transparency. Seeing this, citizens optimize on a lower level of tax compliance. At equilibrium, both decline with a positive oil shock. We also study the alternative channel in which tax compliance responds to enforcement. Transparency is found to be the more robust channel. Ignoring citizens' strategic behavior would lead to predicting suboptimal investment in state capacity for tax enforcement. Using giant oil discoveries data combined with oil price data, we develop a dynamic composite instrument and estimate the model with a dynamic panel system generalized method of moments. We find robust support for our explanation and the model's deep structure for 130+ countries and the 1980–2010 period.},
author = {Mohtadi, Hamid and Ross, Michael L. and Jarrett, Uchechukwu and Ruediger, Stefan},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12130},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mohtadi et al. - 2019 - Kleptocracy and tax evasion under resource abundance.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {corruption,oil,public policy,resource curse,tax evasion,taxation,transparency},
number = {June 2018},
pages = {323--373},
title = {{Kleptocracy and tax evasion under resource abundance}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Beladi2016,
abstract = {We visit the non-equivalence of tariff and quota in higher dimensional finite change trade models when goods outnumber factors of production. Under competitive conditions, exogenous shocks (e.g., exposure to international trade) support the production of only a subset of commodities. If we try to protect some of the vanishing goods, tariff and quota will have different results when a tariff turns out to be a more restrictive policy than a quota, contrary to the conventional wisdom.},
author = {Beladi, Hamid and Chakrabarti, Avik and Marjit, Sugata},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12068},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beladi, Chakrabarti, Marjit - 2016 - Competitive General Equilibrium with Finite Change and Theory of Policy Making.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {1--7},
title = {{Competitive General Equilibrium with Finite Change and Theory of Policy Making}},
volume = {28},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Weymouth2013,
abstract = {Property rights are essential to economic development but vary with the political environment. We develop and test the claim that government partisanship influences the security of business firms' property rights: the perceived security of property rights increases when right-wing parties take power and declines with the election of left-leaning parties. Unlike research that uses country-level aggregates to draw inferences about the determinants of secure property rights, we analyze survey responses of over 7,400 firm owners from 73 countries using a novel difference-in-differences approach. We find that the political partisanship of the government in power strongly affects individual perceptions of property rights: firm owners are more likely to perceive that their property rights are secure under right-leaning governments. Our results are robust to firm- and country-level economic performance as well as controls for political institutions that might induce more stability to property rights, such as the number of checks and balances (veto players) in a system. Overall, our results indicate that business owners' beliefs about the security of property rights are highly responsive to changes in government partisanship. {\textcopyright} 2013 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Weymouth, Stephen and Broz, J. Lawrence},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12011},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weymouth, Broz - 2013 - Government Partisanship and Property Rights Cross-Country Firm-Level Evidence.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {229--256},
title = {{Government Partisanship and Property Rights: Cross-Country Firm-Level Evidence}},
volume = {25},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Pinto2016,
abstract = {The wage and employment effects of offshoring roil politics in the United States and around the world. Firms that offshore either outsource their activities to unaffiliated businesses, or internalize production by establishing subsidiaries from which they import intrafirm. We argue that the political environment in trade partner countries influences U.S. offshoring patterns in ways that have been ignored in the extant literature. Drawing on the political business cycle literature, we expect higher production costs and lower profits for firms in capital (labor) intensive sectors when the Left (Right) is in power. These partisan cycles, in turn, shape the sectoral composition of exports from the partner to the United States, and the degree to which trade is conducted intrafirm. Under a Left- (Right-) leaning government in a partner country, U.S. intrafirm imports of capital- (labor-) goods increase relative to total imports in these industries. Examining highly disaggregated U.S. import data, we find strong support for our argument. Our results indicate that the effect of partisan governments on offshore outsourcing depends on factor intensities of production, which vary across industries. The degree of internalization in global sourcing is shaped in part by the distributional objectives of partisan governments, and not by economic factors alone.},
author = {Pinto, Pablo M. and Weymouth, Stephen},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12078},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pinto, Weymouth - 2016 - Partisan Cycles in Offshore Outsourcing Evidence from U.S. Imports.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {domestic firms},
mendeley-tags = {domestic firms},
number = {3},
pages = {233--261},
title = {{Partisan Cycles in Offshore Outsourcing: Evidence from U.S. Imports}},
volume = {28},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Pinto2008,
abstract = {This paper explores the existence of partisan cycles in foreign direct investment performance. Our theoretical model predicts that the incumbent government's partisanship should affect foreign investors' decision to flow into different sectors of the host country: pro-labor governments would encourage the inflow of the type of investment that complements labor in production; pro-capital governments would promote the entry of investment that substitutes for labor. Empirical evidence from a sample of Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries reveals a pattern of foreign investors' response to partisan cycles consistent with the predictions of the model. First, foreign investment systematically flows into different sectors of the host economy under left- and right-leaning incumbents. Second, we find a positive correlation between foreign investment and changes in average wages under left-leaning incumbents, but no effect on wages under right-leaning governments. {\textcopyright} 2008 The Authors. Journal compilation {\textcopyright} 2008 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.},
author = {Pinto, Pablo M. and Pinto, Santiago M.},
doi = {10.1111/j.1468-0343.2008.00330.x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pinto, Pinto - 2008 - The politics of investment partisanship And the sectoral allocation of foreign direct investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment,indigenous firms},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment,indigenous firms},
number = {2},
pages = {216--254},
title = {{The politics of investment partisanship: And the sectoral allocation of foreign direct investment}},
volume = {20},
year = {2008}
}
@article{DiGiuseppe2016,
abstract = {This study explores the conditional influence of sovereign credit on leader survival. We specifically focus on credit's heterogeneous effect on leadership survival across regimes. We argue that non-democratic leaders are more sensitive to credit access and cost than democratic leadership. We use event history analysis to test the conditional relationship between sovereign credit and leader tenure from 1981 to 2004. Examining both domestic and global determinants of credit access and costs, our findings are consistent with the assertion that non-democratic leadership survival is linked to credit even when addressing issues of endogeneity.},
author = {DiGiuseppe, Matthew and Shea, Patrick E.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12081},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/DiGiuseppe, Shea - 2016 - Borrowed Time Sovereign Finance, Regime Type, and Leader Survival.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {342--367},
title = {{Borrowed Time: Sovereign Finance, Regime Type, and Leader Survival}},
volume = {28},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Ahmed2017,
abstract = {By raising household income, remittances lower the marginal utility of targeted electoral transfers, thus weakening the efficacy of vote buying. Yet, remittances make individuals wealthier and believe the national economy is performing well, which is positively attributed to the incumbent. Building on these insights, I show that the confluence of these divergent channels generate a surprising result that at increasingly higher levels of dissatisfaction with the incumbent, a remittance recipient is more likely to vote for the incumbent than a non-remittance recipient. These predictions and their underlying mechanisms are substantiated across 18 Latin American countries.},
author = {Ahmed, Faisal Z.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12086},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ahmed - 2017 - Remittances and incumbency Theory and evidence.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {domestic political economy,foreign direct investment,international political economy,migration,voting behavior/turnout},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {22--47},
title = {{Remittances and incumbency: Theory and evidence}},
volume = {29},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Li2015,
abstract = {This paper contributes to the recent research on "export sophistication," or the composition of a country's export portfolio. The central question of the current study is what determines a country's level of export sophistication. I argue that a synergetic relationship between state and society positively contributes to the level of export sophistication. The logic behind the argument is that the socially optimal level of investment in new products can only be realized if both the firm and the government find it individually profitable to carry out the investment. In cases whereby either or both lacks private incentive to invest, higher synergy between public and private sectors makes such joint investments more likely to occur. This logic is formally illustrated using a simultaneous game with incomplete information. The central hypothesis is tested using time series cross-sectional data. The key empirical novelty of this paper is the construction of a "synergy index" based on Peter Evans' conceptualization of the term. Overall, the data give good support to the hypothesis. This relationship is particularly robust for the subsample of countries with intermediate levels of synergy. Furthermore, there is evidence suggesting that state-society synergy is subject to diminishing returns as its values get higher.},
author = {Li, Andrew X.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12064},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Li - 2015 - State-Society Synergy and Export Sophistication.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {433--458},
title = {{State-Society Synergy and Export Sophistication}},
volume = {27},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bandyopadhyay2013,
abstract = {This paper explores optimal biofuel subsidies in a general equilibrium trade model. The focus is on the production of biofuels such as corn-based ethanol, which diverts corn from use as food. In the small-country case, when the tax on crude is not available as a policy option, a second-best biofuel subsidy may or may not be positive. In the large-country case, the twin objectives of pollution reduction and terms-of-trade improvement justify a combination of crude tax and biofuel subsidy for the food exporter. Finally, we show that when both nations engage in biofuel policies, the terms-of-trade effects encourage the Nash equilibrium subsidy to be positive (negative) for the food exporting (importing) nation. {\textcopyright} 2013 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Bandyopadhyay, Subhayu and Bhaumik, Sumon and Wall, Howard J.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12009},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bandyopadhyay, Bhaumik, Wall - 2013 - Biofuel Subsidies and International Trade.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {181--199},
title = {{Biofuel Subsidies and International Trade}},
volume = {25},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Baerg2018,
abstract = {Cultural prejudice rather than self interest is the conventional wisdom for why voters respond negatively to immigration. Using a new measure of unauthorized immigrants based on self-reported invalid social security numbers, we show that voters' responses are more nuanced than mere prejudice against minorities. Using county level data from the U.S. state of Georgia, we find that voters in counties with above median levels of unauthorized workers are more likely to support the Republican Party. We also find that wealthier counties and wealthier voters are most likely to respond negatively to the unauthorized. Our evidence warns against arguments that depict opposition to immigration as motivated solely by xenophobia and cultural fears among lower income Whites.},
author = {Baerg, Nicole Rae and Hotchkiss, Julie L. and Quispe-Agnoli, Myriam},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12101},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baerg, Hotchkiss, Quispe-Agnoli - 2018 - Documenting the unauthorized Political responses to unauthorized immigration.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {Elections,Fiscal Redistribution,Immigration,International political economy,Macroeconomic political economy,Unauthorized immigration},
number = {1},
pages = {1--26},
title = {{Documenting the unauthorized: Political responses to unauthorized immigration}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Giesenow2019,
abstract = {Using data of 23 OECD countries over the 1980–2005 period, we examine whether government ideology affects monetary policy, conditional on central bank independence. Unlike previous studies in this line of literature, we estimate central bank behavior using forward-looking and real-time data in Taylor rule models and use estimators that allow for heterogeneity across countries. Our models with heterogeneous slope coefficients for the full sample do not suggest partisan effects. We also do not find evidence that central bank behavior is conditioned by the interaction of the ideology of the incumbent government and the electoral calendar.},
author = {Giesenow, Federico M. and de Haan, Jakob},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12126},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Giesenow, de Haan - 2019 - The influence of government ideology on monetary policy New cross-country evidence based on dynamic heterogen.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {Central Bank Independence,ideology,monetary policy,partisan theory},
number = {2},
pages = {216--239},
title = {{The influence of government ideology on monetary policy: New cross-country evidence based on dynamic heterogeneous panels}},
volume = {31},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Beladi2018,
abstract = {In this paper we construct a general equilibrium model of trade and illustrate that return to unskilled labor may be negatively correlated with the price of product it produces. Specifically, we show that greater protection for the intermediate good that uses “unskilled” labor can reduce the unskilled wages. This result has interesting political-economic implications.},
author = {Beladi, Hamid and Marjit, Sugata and Oladi, Reza},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12118},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beladi, Marjit, Oladi - 2018 - Does protectionism harm unskilled workers.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {intermediate goods,protectionism,unskilled wages},
number = {3},
pages = {444--450},
title = {{Does protectionism harm unskilled workers?}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Eichenauer2018,
abstract = {Over the last decades, bilateral donors of foreign aid have increased their use of special purpose trust funds to provide earmarked aid to multilateral organizations. This paper investigates the incentives and consequences underlying this recent shift toward country- or theme-specific funding and away from bilateral and multilateral aid. We propose a game-theoretic model with multiple principals and a multilateral agent to study how the interaction between donor preferences, voter concerns in the donor country, the voting rules at the multilateral organization, and the presence of special purpose trust funds influences aid allocation. We show that multilateral organizations with majority rules are more likely to receive discretion and thus voluntary core contributions than those with unanimity requirements and that the possibility of earmarking multilateral aid decreases donors' contributions to the multilateral's discretionary core budget and the amount of bilateral aid. In contrast to much of the literature dealing with issues of delegation and bi- and multilateral aid, our model suggests non-monotonic effects of preference heterogeneity on the choice of aid channel for some parameter combinations when contributions to special purpose trust funds are an option.},
author = {Eichenauer, Vera Z. and Hug, Simon},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12109},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Eichenauer, Hug - 2018 - The politics of special purpose trust funds.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {collective principal,earmarking,foreign aid,international organizations,international public finance,multi-bi aid,multilateral trust funds,multiple principals,principal–agent},
number = {2},
pages = {211--255},
title = {{The politics of special purpose trust funds}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Gwatipedza2019,
abstract = {This paper studies the determinants of public investment under autocracy. The optimal investment level balances rent extraction with increasing the future tax base and preventing social unrest. The citizens balance their time between producing and protesting. The labor supply is downward distorted. The public investment level suffers three downward distortions and a fourth, potentially upward distortion. The joint distortions can generate moderate to large efficiency losses. Empirically we show that government spending in autocracies varies more and is less related to tax collections than in democracies. Additionally, it responds to democratization pressure.},
author = {Gwatipedza, Johnson and Janus, Thorsten},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12123},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gwatipedza, Janus - 2019 - Public investment under autocracy and social unrest.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {autocracy,political instability,public investment,social unrest},
number = {1},
pages = {112--135},
title = {{Public investment under autocracy and social unrest}},
volume = {31},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Sylwester2015,
abstract = {Countries face governing challenges at their inception, albeit not of the same degree or type. Challenges such as creating governing structures and forming one nation from disparate groups can create uncertainty and so lower economic growth. Does democracy exacerbate or lessen such problems? This paper considers an empirical specification where the effect of democracy upon economic growth is allowed to vary over time. I find that democracy is more greatly associated with economic growth in newer countries. This suggests that democracy helps to mitigate governing challenges that can lower economic growth.},
author = {Sylwester, Kevin},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12055},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sylwester - 2015 - Does Democracy Increase Growth More in New Countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {266--289},
title = {{Does Democracy Increase Growth More in New Countries?}},
volume = {27},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Biswas2015,
abstract = {Stringent regulatory foreign exchange and trade policies create distortions and lead to mis-invoicing of imports and exports. Such legally prescribed opportunistic behavior is alleged to be common in LDCs because of their lack of openness and restrictive policies. This paper focuses on the impact of various trade and currency policies like tariffs, quotas, different exchange rates, and devaluation and administrative policy instruments like monitoring and penalties on import mis-invoicing under Cournot quantity competition. A framework is developed to analyze the impact of those policies on importers and domestic producers both under fixed and flexible exchange rate regimes.},
author = {Biswas, Amit K. and Sengupta, Sarbajit},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12065},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Biswas, Sengupta - 2015 - Corrupt Importers, Domestic Producers {\&} Welfare Role of Trade Policy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {459--487},
title = {{Corrupt Importers, Domestic Producers {\&} Welfare: Role of Trade Policy}},
volume = {27},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Pandya2017,
abstract = {Political economy scholarship on foreign direct investment (FDI) emphasizes variation in host country political risk but overlooks variation in investors' sensitivity to political risk. We show that relational contracting, relationship-based contract enforcement, is more efficient for high-risk, human capital-intensive activities for which the costs of writing legally enforceable contracts are prohibitive. We disaggregate FDI into two distinct varieties: mergers and acquisitions (M{\&}A) and venture capital (VC). We propose that VC flows are less sensitive to host institutions but correlate strongly with skilled migrant networks that monitor compliance and impose reputational costs. Our empirical analysis of dyadic VC and M{\&}A flows covers over 100 countries during 1980–2009. We address other mechanisms through which migrant networks facilitate FDI and verify our results hold at the country-industry level. These findings suggest that relational contracting facilitates global integration of dynamic, knowledge-intensive industries even when formal institutions are weak.},
author = {Pandya, Sonal S. and Leblang, David},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12088},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pandya, Leblang - 2017 - Risky business Institutions vs. social networks in FDI.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment,mergers and acquisitions,migrant networks,political risk,relational contracting,venture capital},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {91--117},
title = {{Risky business: Institutions vs. social networks in FDI}},
volume = {29},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Oladi2014,
abstract = {In the context of a simple model of strategic offshoring, we investigate the reasons why firms may simultaneously source fragments domestically and internationally. We explore the impacts of offshoring on the production pattern of finished goods, tradable fragment prices, and welfare in a partial equilibrium context. The policy implications of attempts to restrict offshoring are also considered. The analysis shows that an offshoring equilibrium may exist in the absence of comparative advantage in fragments, that offshoring is welfare improving if the costs are sufficiently small, and that attempts (by both countries) to prevent offshoring may paradoxically lower both fragment use and price. ?? 2013 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Oladi, Reza and Beladi, Hamid and Gilbert, John},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12023},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Oladi, Beladi, Gilbert - 2014 - A strategic approach to offshoring.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {1--12},
title = {{A strategic approach to offshoring}},
volume = {26},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Gimpelson2018,
abstract = {A vast literature suggests that economic inequality has important consequences for politics and public policy. Higher inequality is thought to increase demand for income redistribution in democracies and to discourage democratization and promote class conflict and revolution in dictatorships. Most such arguments crucially assume that ordinary people know how high inequality is, how it has been changing, and where they fit in the income distribution. Using a variety of large, cross-national surveys, we show that, in recent years, ordinary people have had little idea about such things. What they think they know is often wrong. Widespread ignorance and misperceptions emerge robustly, regardless of data source, operationalization, and measurement method. Moreover, perceived inequality—not the actual level—correlates strongly with demand for redistribution and reported conflict between rich and poor. We suggest that most theories about political effects of inequality need to be reframed as theories about effects of perceived inequality.},
author = {Gimpelson, Vladimir and Treisman, Daniel},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12103},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gimpelson, Treisman - 2018 - Misperceiving inequality.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {biased perceptions,income distribution,inequality,preferences for redistribution,public policy},
number = {1},
pages = {27--54},
title = {{Misperceiving inequality}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Mandal2018,
abstract = {Informal economy involving unrecorded, unregistered, extra-legal activities employs majority of the work force in the developing world. Such extra-legal existence of informal production is facilitated through extortion by agents of political forces in power. Also, extortion activities themselves constitute an informal segment. Full-scale general equilibrium consequences of such institutions are rarely discussed in the literature. We develop a well-specified general equilibrium model to explore the possible consequences of reform. Economic reform may have an expansionary effect on the number of extortionists. Depending on capital mobility and factor intensity assumptions informal output and informal wage may increase.},
author = {Mandal, Biswajit and Marjit, Sugata and Beladi, Hamid},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12099},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mandal, Marjit, Beladi - 2018 - Reform, informal sector, and extortion.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {extortion,general equilibrium,international trade},
number = {1},
pages = {106--123},
title = {{Reform, informal sector, and extortion}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Gupta2014,
abstract = {We offer the first test of the hypothesis that rapid growth helps incumbents win elections for a developing country, India. We generalize the Fair (1978) model to allow for multiple candidates and test it using cross-state data on 422 candidates in the 2009 parliamentary elections. We find quantitatively large and statistically robust effect of growth on the prospects of the candidates of the state incumbent parties to win elections. {\textcopyright} 2014 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Gupta, Poonam and Panagariya, Arvind},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12038},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gupta, Panagariya - 2014 - Growth and election outcomes in a developing country.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {332--354},
title = {{Growth and election outcomes in a developing country}},
volume = {26},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bodea2014,
abstract = {Central bank independence (CBI) and fixed exchange rates are used by governments to achieve stable prices. This article analyzes the mechanisms through which the two monetary institutions could work: Indirectly via a disciplinary effect on money growth rates or via an additional credibility effect on inflation expectations and the cost of capital. I further explain how both discipline and credibility are affected by the distinct flaws of independent central banks and fixed exchange rates: central banks lack transparency and fixed exchange rates take many shapes and are routinely devalued. The argument is tested with quarterly data from postcommunist countries for years 1991 to 2007. The findings show a strong disciplinary effect of monetary institutions on rates of M2 change and an effect on inflation controlling for money growth, but credibility does not extend to lower real short-term market interest rates. Political institutions do condition the effect of central bank independence, while the types of fixed exchange rates affect money growth rates and inflation to different degrees. {\textcopyright} 2013 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Bodea, Cristina},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12030},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bodea - 2014 - Fixed exchange rates, independent central banks and price stability in postcommunist countries Conservatism and credibili.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {185--211},
title = {{Fixed exchange rates, independent central banks and price stability in postcommunist countries: Conservatism and credibility}},
volume = {26},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Lee2019,
abstract = {Who testifies on US trade agreements before Congress and what do they say? We examine the content of Congressional testimony on US trade agreements, and the selection process which determines who testifies in the first place. We find that testimony is systematically tilted toward a sunny view of trade's positive economic effects, while import competition and offshoring are generally downplayed. We argue that trade's supporters strategically frame their motives for supporting trade agreements, and that pro-trade committee chairs' decisions on who testifies further skew testimony away from the distributive consequences of globalization within the United States. Congressional hearings on trade agreements therefore represent a key site where the influence of dominant pro-trade interests is both revealed and reinforced.},
author = {Lee, Jieun and Osgood, Iain},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12121},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lee, Osgood - 2019 - Exports, jobs, growth! Congressional hearings on US trade agreements.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {1--26},
title = {{Exports, jobs, growth! Congressional hearings on US trade agreements}},
volume = {31},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Dreher2015,
abstract = {We investigate the importance of geo-strategic and commercial motives for the allocation of German aid to 138 countries over the 1973-2010 period. We find that geo-strategic and commercial motives matter. When we relate them to the political color of the German government in general, and the Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development and the Federal Foreign Office in particular, we find their importance to be at least as strong under the socialist leadership. Socialist leadership decreases the amount of aid commitments, controlled for other factors.},
author = {Dreher, Axel and Nunnenkamp, Peter and Schmaljohann, Maya},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12053},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dreher, Nunnenkamp, Schmaljohann - 2015 - The allocation of German aid Self-interest and government ideology.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {160--184},
title = {{The allocation of German aid: Self-interest and government ideology}},
volume = {27},
year = {2015}
}
@article{An2013,
abstract = {The right to private property was first written into the Constitution of the People's Republic of China in March 2004. This study takes advantage of the 2004 amendment and uses a difference-in-differences approach to empirically test the impact of private property rights security on investment patterns and thereby on asset structure. Employing the Chinese Industrial Enterprises Database from 2000 to 2007 to implement the analysis, we find that private property rights security has not only led enterprises to boost investment in both fixed assets and intangible assets but also induced them to allocate available resources more towards intangible assets. We address two potential concerns about our empirical design. {\textcopyright} 2013 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {An, Zhiyong},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12021},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/An - 2013 - Private property rights, investment patterns, and asset structure.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {domestic private enterprises},
mendeley-tags = {domestic private enterprises},
number = {3},
pages = {481--495},
title = {{Private property rights, investment patterns, and asset structure}},
volume = {25},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Rudra2018,
abstract = {How does foreign direct investment (FDI) affect the wellbeing of the poor? We address this question by analyzing the impacts of FDI on access to potable water. We predict that higher levels of greenfield FDI in water-intensive sectors slow the rate of access to potable water in developing countries, with these adverse effects conditional on subnational politics. We hypothesize that this is more likely to occur in polities marked by relatively large poor and marginalized populations, where regulatory capture is more likely to occur. To test our intuition, we analyze subnational data on greenfield FDI in India, confirming that multinational investment in “thirsty” manufacturing sectors are negatively associated with improvements in potable water access. We then present a controlled comparison case study of two Indian states, Kerala and Rajasthan, highlighting the political mechanisms conditioning FDI's effects on potable water.},
author = {Rudra, Nita and Alkon, Meir and Joshi, Siddharth},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12112},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rudra, Alkon, Joshi - 2018 - FDI, Poverty, and the Politics of Potable Water Access.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {India,Kerala,Rajasthan,distributive effects,environment,foreign direct investment,globalization,inequality,integration,international political economy,natural resources,poor,potable water,regulatory capture},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {366--393},
title = {{FDI, Poverty, and the Politics of Potable Water Access}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Gawande2015,
abstract = {The objective of this paper is to evaluate the relative importance of three distinct factors that motivate redistributive government policy: tariff revenues, consumer welfare, and producer profits. We generalize Grossman and Helpman's (1994, American Economic Review 84: 833-850). protection-for-sale model by positing that government places different weights on these components of the welfare of its polity when it decides which industries to protect and to what extent. Employing tariff data from 40 countries, the predictions from this model are used to estimate these weights. The results are surprising in their range and variety. Developing countries with weak tax systems often weigh tariff revenue heavily, while more developed countries weigh producer interests the most. Very few hold consumer welfare dear.},
author = {Gawande, Kishore and Krishna, Pravin and Olarreaga, Marcelo},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12056},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gawande, Krishna, Olarreaga - 2015 - A Political-Economic Account of Global Tariffs.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {204--233},
title = {{A Political-Economic Account of Global Tariffs}},
volume = {27},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bogliaccini2017,
abstract = {Scholars have studied the relationship between inward foreign direct investment (FDI) and within-country income inequality in cross-national contexts, but have not empirically investigated how FDI in different sectors might affect inequality in different ways. We use error correction models to analyze sectoral FDI data compiled from UNCTAD investment reports in 60 middle-income countries from 1989 to 2010, arguing that FDI in services is more likely to be associated with inequality than FDI in other sectors. We argue that skill biases and changes in employment patterns associated with service sector investments can help explain these findings.},
author = {Bogliaccini, Juan A. and Egan, Patrick J.W.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12098},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bogliaccini, Egan - 2017 - Foreign direct investment and inequality in developing countries Does sector matter.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {economic sectors,foreign direct investment,international political economy,macroeconomic political economy,wage/income inequality},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {209--236},
title = {{Foreign direct investment and inequality in developing countries: Does sector matter?}},
volume = {29},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Bodea2018,
abstract = {This paper studies the effect of the governance of modern central banks on the ratings assigned by the credit rating agencies Standard and Poor's and Moody's. Until recently, the rating process was not public. Even still, the factors or precise methodologies used by the agencies remain uncertain and analyst judgment remains important. We argue that, given uncertainty over the future paths of countries, the quality of the central bank governance serves as a useful heuristic for a stable and favorable country trajectory. In particular, the central bank's independence signals that the government is committed to general macroeconomic stability, including debt repayment. Additionally, central bank transparency clarifies who is the principal of the bank and provides information about how the central bank understands the economy and monetary policy. Finally, tensions between the central bank and the government, as reflected by irregular turnover of central bank governors, raise doubts about countries' future prospects. Empirically, we use a variety of models, including mediation analysis, to ensure that the effect we identify stems from the central bank governance itself, as a heuristic for the future paths of countries, and not the central bank's direct contribution to the macroeconomy, as reflected in the available data.},
author = {Bodea, Cristina and Hicks, Raymond},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12113},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bodea, Hicks - 2018 - Sovereign credit ratings and central banks Why do analysts pay attention to institutions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {340--365},
title = {{Sovereign credit ratings and central banks: Why do analysts pay attention to institutions?}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Karacaovali2015,
abstract = {In this paper, we examine trade policy determinants and trade reform in a developing country setting using a political economy model. The government determines tariffs by balancing the political support from producers vs. consumers, while placing a higher political weight on producers' welfare relative to average citizens. We then expand the model in several directions to guide our subsequent estimations at the three-digit industry level for Colombia between 1983 and 1998. We account for import substitution motives for protection but describe how the government's move away from these policies leads to unilateral trade liberalization. We innovatively allow the political weights to vary based on key industry variables beyond a common denominator. The sectors with higher employment, labor cost, and preferential trade agreement (PTA) import shares receive a larger political weight compared to otherwise similar sectors. The novelty of our approach is estimating the effect of sectoral characteristics on protection filtered through the political weights. We obtain more realistic estimates for these weights and provide some evidence for a slowing down effect of PTAs on trade liberalization.},
author = {Karacaovali, Baybars},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12057},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karacaovali - 2015 - Varying Political Economy Weights of Protection The Case of Colombia.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {290--312},
title = {{Varying Political Economy Weights of Protection: The Case of Colombia}},
volume = {27},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bedasso2015,
abstract = {This article presents a simple model of endogenous institutions linking property rights to the distribution of human capital between political and economic elite groups. In the absence of institutional constraints, the commitment problem of the political elites is intensified, because their human capital can turn out to be a double-edged sword raising their efficiency in predation as well as in production. In general, the more human capital the political elites have, the stronger the institutional concessions they are ready to offer to attarct investment. Provided that predation depends sufficiently on human capital, the political elites can credibly commit to respect property rights by specializing in fields that are relevant for the priavte sector. Brain drain can undermine the transition to stable property rights even when the political elites are well-educated. Comparative narratives from Malaysia and Zimbabwe are presented to motivate the theoretical discussion.},
author = {Bedasso, Biniam E.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12063},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bedasso - 2015 - Educated Bandits Endogenous Property Rights and Intra-Elite Distribution of Human Capital.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {state-owned enterprises},
mendeley-tags = {state-owned enterprises},
number = {3},
pages = {404--432},
title = {{Educated Bandits: Endogenous Property Rights and Intra-Elite Distribution of Human Capital}},
volume = {27},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Alzer2013,
abstract = {This study empirically analyzes the effects of de jure financial openness on institutional quality as captured by indicators on investment risk, corruption level, impartiality of judiciary system, and the effectiveness of bureaucracy. We show that a higher degree of financial openness improves institutional quality mainly by reducing investment risks. We also study the effect of a single liberalization reform. Again, we find evidence for the beneficial impact of financial liberalization with the exception of corruption. We additionally show that the benign consequences of financial opening for the institutional development are even larger if financial liberalization is supported by simultaneous political liberalization, while financial deregulation in former socialist countries tends to worsen institutional quality. {\textcopyright} 2013 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Alzer, Markus and Dadasov, Ramin},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12019},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Alzer, Dadasov - 2013 - Financial liberalization and institutional development.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {424--452},
title = {{Financial liberalization and institutional development}},
volume = {25},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Pond2018,
abstract = {This paper develops a formal model to disentangle the competing political incentives for redistribution, expropriation, and market openness. Although redistribution and expropriation are both types of government extraction, redistribution re-allocates wealth within the citizenry, while expropriation re-allocates wealth from citizens to the government. Representative political institutions increase redistribution and reduce expropriation. Market openness changes these incentives, as foreign investors prefer reductions in both redistribution and expropriation. When political institutions are representative, the government will rely more on reducing expropriation, rather than limiting redistribution, to attract foreign investment. Under representative institutions then, openness partially reinforces the preferences of voters rather than undermining them. In addition, market liberalization occurs only when the policy changes needed to attract foreign investment are relatively small. If existing policies are satisfactory to foreign investors, moves toward openness may be accompanied by greater redistribution and expropriation, as governments are tempted by a larger base for extraction. Thus, openness has ambiguous effects on economic policy, at times encouraging and at times constraining extraction.},
author = {Pond, Amy},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12106},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pond - 2018 - Protecting Property The Politics of Redistribution, Expropriation, and Market Openness.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {game theory,globalization/integration,growth/economic development,international political economy,macroeconomic political economy,microfoundations of political economy,property rights,redistribution},
number = {2},
pages = {181--210},
title = {{Protecting Property: The Politics of Redistribution, Expropriation, and Market Openness}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Pepinsky2014,
abstract = {This paper studies the effects of economic governance and political institutions on portfolio investment during the Global Economic Crisis of 2008-2009. Leveraging a unique cross-national dataset on portfolio flows immediately following the collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008, it shows that countries with "better institutions" - those with more (or less) democratic, more (or less) constrained or more accountable political systems - were no less vulnerable to portfolio outflows than countries with "worse institutions." However, countries with better governance prior to the crisis - those with better regulatory apparatuses, rule of law, property rights, and those considered less politically risky - experienced lower net portfolio capital outflows after Lehman. Governance is in fact the strongest predictor of portfolio capital flows during the global flight to liquidity, while political institutions perform poorly. The findings shed light onto the political factors that mediated how the collapse of Lehman affected national financial markets the world over, and have implications for literatures on the political economy of foreign investment, as well as for broader topics of institutions, governance, and economic performance.},
author = {Pepinsky, Thomas B.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12042},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pepinsky - 2014 - The politics of capital flight in the global economic crisis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {3},
pages = {431--456},
title = {{The politics of capital flight in the global economic crisis}},
volume = {26},
year = {2014}
}
@article{FrancoChuaire2017,
abstract = {Countries with different levels of state capacity have access to different sets of policies. In particular, countries with strong state capabilities are able to draw from a broader menu of policies than countries with lower capabilities. We apply and test this insight to the case of exposure to trade-related risk. So far, most of the literature has considered that only one type of policy—the one that increases government size—can help to overcome the challenge imposed by openness. However, there are a number of policies that can mitigate trade-induced risks, many of which do not have the necessary implication of increasing public spending. Yet, many such policies require governmental capabilities not available to any country. For that reason, while the choice of a particular policy within a menu depends on political conditions, the relationship between openness and the size of government might be mediated by the capabilities of states. This paper provides reduced form evidence confirming that the empirical relationship between openness and government size is conditional on state capabilities. Therefore, public policies cannot be assessed independently of the capacity of the State that would have to implement them.},
author = {{Franco Chuaire}, Mar{\'{i}}a and Scartascini, Carlos and Tommasi, Mariano},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12090},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Franco Chuaire, Scartascini, Tommasi - 2017 - State capacity and the quality of policies. Revisiting the relationship between openness a.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {Fiscal policy {\textless} Macroeconomic political economy,Globalization/integration {\textless} International politica,Governance {\textless} Microfoundations of political economy},
number = {2},
pages = {133--156},
title = {{State capacity and the quality of policies. Revisiting the relationship between openness and government size}},
volume = {29},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Campos2013,
abstract = {What are the main causes of international terrorism? Despite the meticulous examination of various candidate explanations, existing estimates still diverge in sign, size, and significance. This article puts forward a novel explanation and supporting evidence. We argue that domestic political instability provides the learning environment needed to successfully execute international terror attacks. Using a yearly panel of 123 countries over 1973-2003, we find that the occurrence of civil wars increases fatalities and the number of international terrorist acts by 45{\%}. These results hold for alternative indicators of political instability, estimators, subsamples, subperiods, and accounting for competing explanations. {\textcopyright} 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.},
author = {Campos, Nauro F. and Gassebner, Martin},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12002},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Campos, Gassebner - 2013 - International Terrorism, Domestic Political Instability, and the Escalation Effect.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {27--47},
title = {{International Terrorism, Domestic Political Instability, and the Escalation Effect}},
volume = {25},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Donchev2014,
abstract = {Evidence from the International Crime Victimization Survey and the World Business Environment Survey suggests that actual corruption experience is a weak predictor of reported corruption perception, and that some of the factors commonly found to "reduce" corruption, such as economic development, democratic institutions or Protestant traditions, systematically bias corruption perception indices downward from corruption experience. In addition, perception indices are influenced by absolute (as opposed to relative) levels of corruption, which tends to penalize large countries, and they exhibit diminishing sensitivity to both absolute and relative corruption, indicating that they may better capture differences among countries with low levels of corruption than among highly corrupt ones. Individual characteristics such as education, age, or employment status, and firm-level characteristics such as the number of competitors are also found to influence corruption perceptions holding experience constant. {\textcopyright} 2014 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Donchev, Dilyan and Ujhelyi, Gergely},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12037},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Donchev, Ujhelyi - 2014 - What do corruption indices measure.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {309--331},
title = {{What do corruption indices measure?}},
volume = {26},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Osgood2016,
abstract = {The recent focus on firms in international trade suggests two conjectures about preferences over trade policy – only the most productive firms should support freer trade, and industries can be internally divided over reciprocal liberalization. This paper clarifies the content and scope of these claims. The most productive firms are generally not the greatest beneficiaries from trade liberalization and may oppose further liberalization due to increased competition in export markets from compatriot firms. Exporting industries will feature no support for trade if foreign competition is too strong or barriers too unequal. The key analytic factor generating intra-industry division is product differentiation, both directly, by increasing export opportunities for less efficient firms, and by inducing home market effects wherein larger countries are more competitive. The implications of these findings for the distributional effects of liberalization and the study of trade politics are discussed.},
author = {Osgood, Iain},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12075},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osgood - 2016 - Differentiated Products, Divided Industries Firm Preferences over Trade Liberalization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {161--180},
title = {{Differentiated Products, Divided Industries: Firm Preferences over Trade Liberalization}},
volume = {28},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Aaskoven2016,
abstract = {There is considerable variation in levels and changes in public employment within and between developed democracies. This article highlights the importance of fiscal transparency in determining changes in public employment. It argues that economic growth increases public employment under low fiscal transparency and that this effect is strongest in years of election. These hypotheses are tested on a panel of 20 OECD countries from 1995 to 2010. The analyses show substantial evidence in favor of the arguments. Fiscal transparency lowers the positive effect of growth on public employment, a relationship, which is most robust in election years.},
author = {Aaskoven, Lasse},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12080},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aaskoven - 2016 - Fiscal Transparency, Elections and Public Employment Evidence from the OECD.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {317--341},
title = {{Fiscal Transparency, Elections and Public Employment: Evidence from the OECD}},
volume = {28},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Copelovitch2017,
abstract = {An emerging consensus among scholars and policy-makers identifies foreign capital inflows as one of the primary determinants of banking crises in developed countries. We challenge this view by arguing that external imbalances are destabilizing only when banks face substantial competition from securities markets in the process of financial intermediation. We assemble a dataset of banking crises covering the advanced industrialized countries from 1976 to 2011 and find evidence of a conditional relationship between capital inflows, a well-developed securities market, and the incidence of banking crises. We further explore the impact of capital inflows on banks' actual risk taking as indicated by their capital adequacy levels and measures of insolvency risk. Our results demonstrate that prudential capital cushions tend to decline with the combination of capital inflows and prominent securities markets. We highlight the political decisions—often made during the early days of a country's financial development—that determine the relative prominence of banks vs. non-bank financial institutions and conclude with policy recommendations.},
author = {Copelovitch, Mark and Singer, David A.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12097},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Copelovitch, Singer - 2017 - Tipping the (Im)balance Capital inflows, financial market structure, and banking crises.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {crises,foreign direct investment,globalization/integration,international political economy,macroeconomic political economy,reform/stabilization},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {3},
pages = {179--208},
title = {{Tipping the (Im)balance: Capital inflows, financial market structure, and banking crises}},
volume = {29},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Ozkok2017,
abstract = {This paper examines the role of globalization on public spending on education in Europe. With the implementation of the Bologna process, the changes taking place in the educational structure in Europe have highlighted the importance of public education expenditures. Taking into account the effects of trade, income, and socio-demographic factors, we study the impact of globalization on public education expenditure at preprimary, primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions using a panel data model for 25 EU countries for the 1998–2010 period. Our findings with different indices of globalization depict a positive effect on education financing. The use of legal and institutional variables, the inclusion of the crisis and euro dummies, and further control variables do not alter our main findings. The Bologna dummy variable is not found to have a significant effect on public education financing, indicating that the integration goals under this process have not translated into increasing levels of public expenditure for education.},
author = {Ozkok, Zeynep},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12085},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ozkok - 2017 - Financing Education in Europe The Globalization Perspective.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {69--90},
title = {{Financing Education in Europe: The Globalization Perspective}},
volume = {29},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Vadlamannati2018,
abstract = {Understanding why states voluntarily cede power to international institutions, and if those institutions fulfill their stated goals, remain a pressing question in international relations. In order to evaluate the material and normative logics that may drive this type of behavior, this paper considers state commitment to and compliance with the Special Data Dissemination Standard (SDDS) initiative launched by the IMF in 1996. This effort seeks to enhance the availability of comprehensive economic data based on best dissemination practices to facilitate pursuing sound macroeconomic policies. Using panel data on 120 countries during the 1996–2011 period, we find that commitment to the SDDS occurs when costs for states are low, and that compliance with the SDDS initiative is associated with increased data transparency after controlling for self-section bias. Our results are robust to controlling for endogeneity, alternative sample, and estimation methods.},
author = {Vadlamannati, Krishna Chaitanya and Cooray, Arusha and Brazys, Samuel},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12100},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vadlamannati, Cooray, Brazys - 2018 - Nothing to hide Commitment to, compliance with, and impact of the special data dissemination stand.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {IMF,SDDS initiative,data transparency},
number = {1},
pages = {55--77},
title = {{Nothing to hide: Commitment to, compliance with, and impact of the special data dissemination standard}},
volume = {30},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Chong2015,
abstract = {The recent wave of terrorist attacks has increased the attention to money laundering activities, and the role played by the regulatory frameworks controlling feeder activities. We investigate empirically the determinants of money laundering and its regulation in close to 100 countries. We use various methodologies to put together a cross-country dataset on proxies for money laundering and construct specific money laundering regulation indices based on specific laws and their enforcement. Results show that tougher money laundering regulation, particularly those that criminalize feeding activities and improve disclosure, are linked to lower levels of money laundering across countries. The relevance of historical factors in explaining the variation of money laundering regulation across countries sheds light on the theories of institutions and provides room for further action, particularly in the areas of the law that reduce the burden of proof, increase the liability of intermediaries and improve disclosure.},
author = {Chong, Alberto and Lopez-De-Silanes, Florencio},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12051},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chong, Lopez-de-Silanes - 2015 - Money Laundering and its Regulation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {78--123},
title = {{Money laundering and its regulation}},
volume = {27},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Karayalcin2019,
abstract = {This paper compares different fiscal integration schemes on the basis of their ability to finance public investments and resilience to debt distress and contagion. Complete integration schemes, where a central authority chooses the level of public investments with productivity-enhancing externalities across different jurisdictions, are shown to be superior to incomplete integration schemes, where member governments choose public investments unilaterally. As a result, equilibrium income is greater for citizens of both member states under a complete integration scheme. Moreover, complete integration schemes are shown to be more resilient to idiosyncratic shocks and more effective in limiting contagion of debt distress. This is mainly because the central authority can credibly borrow more without risking default than member states taken together can and it can “transfer resilience” across them if needed. These findings inform discussions on structural aspects of secular stagnation in Europe by emphasizing a potential challenge in the institutional design of fiscal responsibilities.},
author = {Karayalcin, Cem and Onder, Harun},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12125},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Karayalcin, Onder - 2019 - Incomplete integration and contagion of debt distress in economic unions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {contagion,federalism,integration,sovereign debt},
number = {2},
pages = {194--215},
title = {{Incomplete integration and contagion of debt distress in economic unions}},
volume = {31},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Avsar2013,
abstract = {State-owned enterprises continue to play a considerable role in many economies. In this study we empirically investigate the connections between these enterprises and inequality as mediated through political ideology. Using cross-country data on the relative size of the state-owned enterprise sector, we find strong empirical support for an inverted U-shaped relationship between its size and income inequality. We also find strong evidence that left-wing (vis-a-vis right-wing) governments are associated with a larger state-owned enterprise sector in countries with higher inequality. This result is robust to using cross-sectional vs. panel data, different identification strategies, and various controls. {\textcopyright} 2013 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Avsar, Veysel and Karayalcin, Cem and Ulubasoglu, Mehmet Ali},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12017},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Avsar, Karayalcin, Ulubasoglu - 2013 - State-owned enterprises, inequality, and political ideology.pdf:pdf},
issn = {09541985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {state-owned enterprises},
mendeley-tags = {state-owned enterprises},
number = {3},
pages = {387--410},
title = {{State-owned enterprises, inequality, and political ideology}},
volume = {25},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Dorsch2014,
abstract = {We examine the effect of domestic political accountability on leaders' strategies for attracting foreign direct investment to less developed countries. We consider two policy areas: the tax burden imposed on firms and the regulatory environment in which they operate. We find that democratic governments are more likely to offer relatively lower tax rates to foreign investors, whereas autocratic governments are more likely to offer relatively lax regulation. This result is driven by the greater elasticity of the political survival function to environmental and labor regulations in more democratic countries. Analyses of firm-level survey data confirm our main theoretical conclusions. {\textcopyright} 2014 John Wiley {\&} Sons Ltd.},
author = {Dorsch, Michael T. and Mccann, Fergal and Mcguirk, Eoin F.},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12034},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dorsch, Mccann, Mcguirk - 2014 - Democratic accountability, regulation and inward investment policy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {263--284},
title = {{Democratic accountability, regulation and inward investment policy}},
volume = {26},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Cheon2019,
abstract = {National oil companies (NOCs) have invested hundreds of billions of dollars in foreign oil and gas assets. Why have some governments increased their NOC outward investments, while others have not? I argue that domestic structures can influence a government's calculus that potential benefits, such as added revenues and fuel supply, outweigh potential costs, such as information asymmetries and inefficiencies associated with NOCs. Nationally, partisan competition limits democratic tolerance for failures by NOCs. Bureaucratically, overlapping authority in energy policy undermines coherent NOC governance. Based on investments by NOCs hailing from 79 countries, 2000–2013, I find robust evidence for the national hypothesis.},
author = {Cheon, Andrew},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12133},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cheon - 2019 - Developing global champions Why national oil companies expand abroad.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {energy governance,energy security,foreign direct investment,national oil companies,state capitalism,state-owned enterprises},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment,state-owned enterprises},
number = {March},
pages = {403--427},
title = {{Developing global champions: Why national oil companies expand abroad}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Albertus2019,
abstract = {Despite received wisdom that long time horizons and formal institutions can induce private investment under dictatorship, there is substantial investment even in relatively unconstrained regimes. This paper provides a novel explanation for the puzzle of investment in these regimes: economic elites' uncertainty over expected investment returns under plausible alternative authoritarian successors. We construct a noisy signaling model that captures how uncertainty over which type of authoritarian successor will rule next and uncertainty in the truthfulness of policy promises made by potential autocratic successors might provide incentives for elite investment.},
author = {Albertus, Michael and Gay, Victor},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12120},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Albertus, Gay - 2019 - No better time than now Future uncertainty and private investment under dictatorship.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14680343},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {71--96},
title = {{No better time than now: Future uncertainty and private investment under dictatorship}},
volume = {31},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Peters2019,
abstract = {One overlooked reason for the persistence of distinct cultural values across rich democracies, we argue, is a country's labor market structure. Parents seeking to position their children for long‐term success would do well to instill values consistent with requirements of the labor market in the country where their children are likely to work. To the extent that labor mar- kets are fluid, as in the United States, parents should teach their children to be resourceful and creative. In countries like Japan with relatively rigid labor markets, where workers have one chance to land a long‐term contract with a lead- ing company, parents instead should instill the values of hard work and respect for authority. We find evidence consistent with this argument in survey experiments about attitudes in the United States and Japan about the desirability of employing immigrants for care work, and what values the immigrant care workers should hold. We also find evidence of indirect norm creation. American and Japanese respondents prefer immigrants—not just caregiving immigrants—whose values align with their country's type of valued human capital.},
author = {Peters, Margaret E. and Kage, Rieko and Rosenbluth, Frances and Tanaka, Seiki},
doi = {10.1111/ecpo.12140},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Peters et al. - 2019 - Labor markets and cultural values Evidence from Japanese and American views about caregiving immigrants.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0954-1985},
journal = {Economics and Politics},
keywords = {culture,immigration,labor market structure,women's labor force participation},
month = {nov},
number = {3},
pages = {428--464},
title = {{Labor markets and cultural values: Evidence from Japanese and American views about caregiving immigrants}},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ecpo.12140},
volume = {31},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Hale2015,
abstract = {Global trade depends on the ability of firms to make credible commitments across borders. Absent a global state to enforce contracts, how can credibility be assured? Today, the majority of significant transborder contract disputes are adjudicated in private arbitral tribunals. The decisions of these bodies are enforceable in the public courts of the 146 countries that have ratified the 1958 New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards, making it a central pillar of the global economy. This article evaluates alternative explanations for this widespread delegation to private judicial authority via survival analysis of ratification from 1958 to the present. Unlike the World Trade Organization, preferential trade agreements, or bilateral investment treaties, the transnational commercial arbitration regime has been driven by the diffusion of legal norms through a transnational network of experts.},
author = {Hale, Thomas},
doi = {10.1177/1354066114546955},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hale - 2015 - The rule of law in the global economy Explaining intergovernmental backing for private commercial tribunals.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Arbitration,International Relations,economic interdependence,intergovernmental organization,norms,rule of law},
month = {sep},
number = {3},
pages = {483--512},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{The rule of law in the global economy: Explaining intergovernmental backing for private commercial tribunals}},
volume = {21},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Drury2014,
abstract = {Though it is widely accepted that advancing women's rights is crucial to promoting more economic prosperity, good governance, and social equality, very few studies have analyzed the gender-specific effects of foreign policy tools. In this study, we focus on the impact that a frequently used coercive tool - international economic sanctions - has on women's well-being. Sanctions can have a devastating impact on both the target country's economic and political stability, and women often suffer significantly from the effects of such external shocks due to their vulnerable socioeconomic and political status. We thus argue that foreign economic pressures will reduce the level of respect for women's rights in the targeted countries. We use four different measures of women's economic, political, and social status to analyze the gender-specific consequences of economic coercion. Results from the analysis for the period 1971-2005 indicate that sanctions are likely to exacerbate women's rights. The data analysis also shows that the suggested negative impact of economic coercion on women's well-being is conditioned by the wealth of a targeted country; women in poor countries are hit the hardest by economic sanctions. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2012.},
author = {Drury, A. Cooper and Peksen, Dursun},
doi = {10.1177/1354066112448200},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Drury, Peksen - 2014 - Women and economic statecraft The negative impact international economic sanctions visit on women.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {coercive diplomacy,economic sanctions,female empowerment,foreign policy,women's rights},
number = {2},
pages = {463--490},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{Women and economic statecraft: The negative impact international economic sanctions visit on women}},
volume = {20},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Vermeiren2019,
abstract = {In this article, I engage with the chartalist literature to explore the political foundations of international currencies. Drawing on this literature as well as on recent scholarship on the shortage of safe assets in the world economy, I challenge a prevailing premise of the International Political Economy literature that international currency status needs to be based on conservative macroeconomic policy institutions and practices, which is deemed necessary to maintain foreign confidence in the stability of the real value of the international currency. I contend that international currency status in the post-crisis world economy hinges on the willingness and capacity of the currency provider to adopt accommodating monetary and fiscal policies. First, the central bank needs to offer a backstop to the market for sovereign debt securities by acting as a lender of last resort to the government, whereas fiscal policy expansion is necessary to sufficiently expand the stock of the only securities that can assume the function of genuinely safe assets: sovereign debt. Second, expansionary monetary and fiscal policies enable the international currency issuer to supply safe assets to the rest of the world by running deficits on its trade balance. This article analyses how the European Central Bank's monetary policy decisions in the wake of the crisis ran against these two prerequisites, constraining the Eurozone to become a large net provider of safe assets in the world economy. By linking these decisions to the creditor and export interests of the Northern Eurozone countries, it disputes the European Central Bank's ‘neutral stance' regarding the internationalization of the euro.},
author = {Vermeiren, Mattias},
doi = {10.1177/1354066117744030},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vermeiren - 2019 - Meeting the world's demand for safe assets Macroeconomic policy and the international status of the euro after the.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Crisis,European Central Bank,dollar,euro,fiscal policy,monetary policy},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {30--60},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{Meeting the world's demand for safe assets? Macroeconomic policy and the international status of the euro after the crisis}},
volume = {25},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Nolke2015,
abstract = {The rise of the large emerging economies of Brazil, India and China can easily be counted among the most important contemporary structural changes in the global political economy. This article attempts to determine whether these countries have a common institutional model for governing their economies and addresses the implications of these commonalities for global economic institutions. The approach consists of three major steps: first, a general ideal type for encompassing capitalism in these large emerging economies is constructed, and dubbed ‘state-permeated market economy'; second, we compare these countries empirically, with regard to the features highlighted by the ideal type and in contrast to other varieties of capitalism; and, finally, we extrapolate some long-term implications for the global economic order, based on the assumption that foreign economic policies will be informed by domestic institutional structures. Based on these three steps, we conclude that a further deepening of the liberal global order is highly unlikely.},
author = {N{\"{o}}lke, Andreas and ten Brink, Tobias and Claar, Simone and May, Christian},
doi = {10.1177/1354066114553682},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/N{\"{o}}lke et al. - 2015 - Domestic structures, foreign economic policies and global economic order Implications from the rise of large emer.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Brazil,China,India,comparative capitalism,emerging economies,global governance},
month = {sep},
number = {3},
pages = {538--567},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{Domestic structures, foreign economic policies and global economic order: Implications from the rise of large emerging economies}},
volume = {21},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Chacko2018,
abstract = {Proposals for regional economic integration, namely, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the One Belt One Road proposal, have recently been driving the security dynamics of the Asian region. To explain the growing ‘economic' focus of states' foreign policies, we need to go beyond the dominant approaches in International Relations and International Political Economy, which are limited in their analytical power because they often make a distinction between politics/security and economics, and prioritise one over the other, rather than seeing them as internally related. Drawing on Leon Trotsky's theory of ‘uneven and combined development' and Nicos Poulantzas's notion of ‘internalised transformations', we develop a ‘Poulantzian-uneven and combined development' framework to argue that the increased focus on economics in foreign policymaking represents a fundamental change related to the transnationalisation of capitalist state-building projects. The paper argues that while the Trans-Pacific Partnership reflected an attempt by the Obama administration to fashion a new stage in the transnationalisation of American capital, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and One Belt One Road proposal reflect an emerging China-centred transnationalised state project. We characterise the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and One Belt One Road proposal as constituting different forms of a particular type of geoeconomic strategy called ‘regulatory geographies' because they entail the export of distinctive modes of regulatory governance that aim to overcome key contradictions of uneven and combined capitalist development in the US and China. As the recent demise of the Trans-Pacific Partnership with the election of Donald Trump shows, however, these transnationalised state projects generate resistance and contestation within, as well as between, states.},
author = {Chacko, Priya and Jayasuriya, Kanishka},
doi = {10.1177/1354066117694702},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chacko, Jayasuriya - 2018 - A capitalising foreign policy Regulatory geographies and transnationalised state projects.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {China,One Belt One Road,Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership,Trans-Pacific Partnership,US,uneven and combined development},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {82--105},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{A capitalising foreign policy: Regulatory geographies and transnationalised state projects}},
volume = {24},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Khalili2018,
abstract = {In analysing the role of the US in the global expansion of capitalist relations, most critical accounts see the US military's invasion and conquest of various states as paving the way for the arrival of US businesses and capitalist relations. However, beyond this somewhat simplified image, and even in peacetime, the US military has been a major geoeconomic actor that has wielded its infrastructural power via its US Army Corps of Engineers' overseas activities. The transformation of global economies in the 20th century has depended on the capitalisation of the newly independent states and the consolidation of liberal capitalist relations in the subsequent decades. The US Army Corps of Engineers has not only extended lucrative contracts to private firms (based not only in the US and host country, but also in geopolitically allied states), but also, and perhaps most important, has itself established a grammar of capitalist relations. It has done so by forging both physical infrastructures (roads, ports, utilities and telecommunications infrastructures) and virtual capitalist infrastructures through its practices of contracting, purchasing, design, accounting, regulatory processes and specific regimes of labour and private property ownership.},
author = {Khalili, Laleh},
doi = {10.1177/1354066117742955},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Khalili - 2018 - The infrastructural power of the military The geoeconomic role of the US Army Corps of Engineers in the Arabian Peninsu.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Armed forces,Middle East,Saudi Arabia,US Army Corps of Engineers,capitalisation,geoeconomics,grammar of capitalism,infrastructural power},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {911--933},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{The infrastructural power of the military: The geoeconomic role of the US Army Corps of Engineers in the Arabian Peninsula}},
volume = {24},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Crasnic2017,
abstract = {The proliferation of production networks and cross-border contracting is frequently cited as empowering globally active corporations to skirt, and shape, national regulations. While scholars often focus on the political gains from these new forms of business organization, we shift the conversation to the potential political costs of global firm reorganization. The spread of corporate subsidiaries and global supply-chain networks leave firms vulnerable to a host of jurisdictional claims, and by targeting a domestically rooted affiliate, states can bring the global practices of the multinational corporation in line with their interests. In other words, states can take advantage of the transnationalization of the firm to transnationalize their authority beyond traditional jurisdictional boundaries. We label this process “networked liabilities.” Specifically, the combination of a firm's sunk costs and the country's jurisdictional substitutability determines the ability of governments to exert demands on multinational corporations. A key contribution of the article is to better specify the relationship between mobility and authority and to illustrate that networked liabilities can further empower a variety of states beyond traditional economic powers like the US or the European Union. We further highlight when firms may curtail the authority of great powers. The growing reach of the regulatory state domestically, coupled with the transnationalization of the firm, creates an increasing number of tools for certain governments to engage in economic statecraft beyond their borders. Our findings, then, contribute to debates on business–government relations in a globalized world, the changing nature of political risk, and the deterritorialization of state authority.},
author = {Crasnic, Loriana and Kalyanpur, Nikhil and Newman, Abraham},
doi = {10.1177/1354066116679245},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Crasnic, Kalyanpur, Newman - 2017 - Networked liabilities Transnational authority in a world of transnational business.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Business–government,extraterritoriality,political risk,regulatory state,supply chains,transnational authority},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {906--929},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{Networked liabilities: Transnational authority in a world of transnational business}},
volume = {23},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Broome2018,
abstract = {The production of transnational knowledge that is widely recognized as legitimate is a major source of influence for international organizations. To reinforce their expert status, international organizations increasingly produce global benchmarks that measure national performance across a range of issue areas. This article illustrates how international organization benchmarking is a significant source of indirect power in world politics by examining two prominent cases in which international organizations seek to shape the world through comparative metrics: (1) the World Bank–International Finance Corporation Ease of Doing Business ranking; and (2) the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development FDI Regulatory Restrictiveness Index. We argue that the legitimacy attached to these benchmarks because of the expertise of the international organizations that produce them is highly problematic for two reasons. First, both benchmarks oversimplify the evaluation of relative national performance, misrepresenting contested political values drawn from a specific transnational paradigm as empirical facts. Second, they entrench an arbitrary division in the international arena between ‘ideal' and ‘pathological' types of national performance, which (re)produces social hierarchies among states. We argue that the ways in which international organizations use benchmarking to orient how political actors understand best practices, advocate policy changes and attribute political responsibility thus constitutes ‘bad science'. Extending research on processes of paradigm maintenance and the influence of international organizations as teachers of norms or judges of norm compliance, we show how the indirect power that international organizations exercise as evaluators of relative national performance through benchmarking can be highly consequential for the definition of states' policy priorities.},
author = {Broome, Andr{\'{e}} and Homolar, Alexandra and Kranke, Matthias},
doi = {10.1177/1354066117719320},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Broome, Homolar, Kranke - 2018 - Bad science International organizations and the indirect power of global benchmarking.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Business regulation,foreign direct investment,global benchmarking,global governance,indirect power,international organizations},
month = {sep},
number = {3},
pages = {514--539},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{Bad science: International organizations and the indirect power of global benchmarking}},
volume = {24},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Tallberg2014,
abstract = {This article addresses one prominent expression of the interplay between politics and law in international cooperation: the dynamics of bargaining in the settling of compliance disputes. Our central argument is that the formal structure of dispute settlement systematically shapes the likelihood and terms of negotiated compliance settlements. We introduce an ideal type distinction between interstate dispute settlement, where the authority to sue states for non-compliance resides exclusively with states, and supranational dispute settlement, where this authority is partly or entirely delegated to a commission or secretariat with a prosecutorial function. We hypothesize that systems relying on supranational prosecution are more effective in addressing non-compliance, and more likely to mediate the impact of power asymmetries on dispute settlement outcomes, compared to systems relying on state-initiated complaints only. We find support for this proposition in an in-depth comparison of dispute settlement and compliance bargaining in the World Trade Organization and the European Union, and in a brief survey of experiences from other international organizations. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2012.},
author = {Tallberg, Jonas and {McCall Smith}, James},
doi = {10.1177/1354066111434519},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tallberg, McCall Smith - 2014 - Dispute settlement in world politics States, supranational prosecutors, and compliance.pdf:pdf},
issn = {13540661},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {European Union,World Trade Organization,compliance,dispute settlement,institutional theory,legalization},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {118--144},
title = {{Dispute settlement in world politics: States, supranational prosecutors, and compliance}},
volume = {20},
year = {2014}
}
@article{VanApeldoorn2014,
abstract = {This article seeks to explain both the continuity and the changes in US grand strategy since the end of the Cold War by adopting a critical political economy approach that focuses on the social origins of grand strategy-making. Systematically seeking to link agency and structure, we analyse how grand strategy-makers operate within given social contexts, which we define in terms of, on the one hand, elite networks within which these actors are embedded, and, on the other hand, the international structural context in which the US is positioned. After reviewing the grand strategies as pursued by the Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations, and relating them to the structural context in which they evolved, we proceed by offering a Social Network Analysis in which we compare the networks of key officials of the three administrations in terms of: (1) their corporate affiliations, and (2) their affiliations to so-called policy-planning institutions. On this basis we argue that the continuities of post-Cold War US grand strategy - which we interpret as reproducing America's long-standing 'Open Door' imperialism - can be explained in terms of the continuing dominance of the most transnationally oriented sections of US capital. Second, we show that, this continuity notwithstanding, there is significant variation in terms of the means by which this grand strategy is reproduced, and argue that we must explain these variations not only in terms of the continuously changing global context, but also as related to some significant differences in affiliation with the policy-planning network. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2012.},
author = {van Apeldoorn, Bastiaan and de Graaff, Nan{\'{a}}},
doi = {10.1177/1354066111433895},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/van Apeldoorn, de Graaff - 2014 - Corporate elite networks and US post-Cold War grand strategy from Clinton to Obama.pdf:pdf},
issn = {13540661},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {US grand strategy,corporate elite,foreign policy,imperialism,post-Cold War,social network analysis},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {29--55},
title = {{Corporate elite networks and US post-Cold War grand strategy from Clinton to Obama}},
volume = {20},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bieler2018,
abstract = {In response to the Eurozone crisis, austerity and restructuring has been imposed on the European Union's peripheral member states in order to receive financial bailout loans. In addition to cuts in funding for essential public services, cuts in public sector employment and the further liberalisation of labour markets, this has also included pressure towards the privatisation of state assets. Yet, workers have not simply accepted these restructuring pressures; rather, they have organised and fought back against austerity and enforced privatisation. Based on a historical-materialist perspective and following a strategy of incorporated comparison, in this article, we will comparatively assess the struggles against enforced water privatisation in Greece and Portugal set against the background of the structuring conditions surrounding the Eurozone crisis.},
author = {Bieler, Andreas and Jordan, Jamie},
doi = {10.1177/1354066117728383},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bieler, Jordan - 2018 - Commodification and ‘the commons' The politics of privatising public water in Greece and Portugal during the.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Eurozone crisis,Greece,Portugal,privatisation,resistance,water struggles},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {934--957},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{Commodification and ‘the commons': The politics of privatising public water in Greece and Portugal during the Eurozone crisis}},
volume = {24},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Ross2019,
abstract = {China is now second only to the US as a world economic power. Its economic rise has challenged US ability to fundamentally shape the world trade order. However, the importance of the rise of the Chinese economy for international security affairs is less clear. The key analytical issue for international politics and for an understanding of the sources of power is whether economic power is fungible in international security affairs, whether it can independently determine the strategic alignments of small states. This is also the key question in assessing the implications of China's economic rise for the East Asian security order. The political-economy literature argues that trade dependence can lead small states to realign within great power politics, regardless of the military balance. However, poor case selection challenges this prior literature. By using contemporary East Asia as a source of multiple bilateral case studies, I argue that the economic dependence of a small state on a great economic power is insufficient to influence independently small state strategic alignment preferences and that China's rising economic power is not fungible in East Asian security affairs.},
author = {Ross, Robert S.},
doi = {10.1177/1354066118757854},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ross - 2019 - On the fungibility of economic power China's economic rise and the East Asian security order.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Alignment policy,economic dependence,fungibility of power,rise of China},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {302--327},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{On the fungibility of economic power: China's economic rise and the East Asian security order}},
volume = {25},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Barkin2015,
abstract = {There is a large body of literature, both within academic International Relations and in popular discourses, about globalization and regulatory convergence, either through regulatory races to the bottom or the upwards harmonization of regulatory standards. Neither pattern is well supported by empirical findings with respect to industries that can easily move offshore in search of lower regulatory standards. Rather, global patterns of regulation in these industries tend toward dispersion rather than conversion either upward or downward. There is as yet, however, little work in the International Relations literature on how to understand these patterns of global regulatory dispersion, in which states attract offshore business by establishing differentiated regulatory niches. One of the key models of regulatory dispersion in the economics literature was developed by Charles Tiebout in the context of the provision of municipal services, but several International Relations scholars have noted that the assumptions of the model are not appropriate to international regulatory competition. This article develops a model of international regulatory heterogeneity that draws on Tiebout's, and that describes patterns of regulatory dispersion in industries that engage in international regulatory arbitrage. It explains both specific patterns of dispersion and mechanisms for increasing average regulatory levels over time.},
author = {Barkin, J. Samuel},
doi = {10.1177/1354066114530009},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barkin - 2015 - Racing all over the place A dispersion model of international regulatory competition.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Asymmetrical globalization,International Relations,political economy,public goods,regulation,sovereignty},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {171--193},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{Racing all over the place: A dispersion model of international regulatory competition}},
volume = {21},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Walter2015,
abstract = {Why do states cooperate during international financial crises? A prominent account of such phenomena is provided by the Open Economy Politics approach, which advocates a methodological reductionism that focuses on domestic interests and institutions as explanatory drivers of foreign economic policy. I argue that the appropriateness and utility of this approach diminishes in two important contexts: when levels of economic interdependence and international institutionalization are both high; and when international insecurity is rising. Since the second condition has greater generality in international relations, I test it by focusing on a period when international economic institutionalization was much lower than today: the pre-1914 gold standard system. I show that as levels of interstate rivalry and insecurity rose in the years before 1914, so too did the role of strategic considerations in the international financial policies of the major European powers. The utility of the Open Economy Politics approach for explaining foreign financial policy is therefore contingent on an evolving international context. The argument is of considerable relevance to the contemporary era, when a rapidly evolving international political environment is again reshaping international financial policies.},
author = {Walter, Andrew},
doi = {10.1177/1354066115591635},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Walter - 2015 - Open economy politics and international security dynamics Explaining international cooperation in financial crises.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Cooperation,economic interdependence,global finance,international system,methodology,security},
number = {2},
pages = {289--312},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{Open economy politics and international security dynamics: Explaining international cooperation in financial crises}},
volume = {22},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Oatley2019,
abstract = {How should we theorize about international political economy in an era of complex interdependence? The global economy is much more interdependent today than it was 40 years ago. As a result, there is a widening appreciation that we need new theoretical tools to understand how complex interdependence arose, how it operates, and where it might be headed. I argue that to develop such tools, we must embrace new theoretical logics that more readily accommodate and explain change. I develop this point by drawing on complexity theories, ecology, and information theory. I first develop the core elements of a complexity-based approach and contrast it to the central assumptions of the Open Economy Politics approach. I then illustrate this complexity-oriented approach by using the logic of coevolution and the information–entropy cycle to explain key elements in the development of the 2008 global financial crisis.},
author = {Oatley, Thomas},
doi = {10.1177/1354066119846553},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Oatley - 2019 - Toward a political economy of complex interdependence.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1354-0661},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Complexity,global finance,globalization,interdependence,political economy,theory},
month = {dec},
number = {4},
pages = {957--978},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{Toward a political economy of complex interdependence}},
url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1354066119846553},
volume = {25},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Hager2017,
abstract = {This article offers new theoretical and empirical insights to explain the resilience of US Treasury securities as the world's premier safe or “risk-free” asset. The standard explanation of resilience emphasizes the relative safety of US Treasuries due to a shortage of safe assets in the global political economy. The analysis here goes beyond the standard explanation to highlight the importance of domestic politics in reinforcing the safe status of US Treasury securities. In particular, the research shows how a formidable “bond” of interests unites domestic and foreign owners of the public debt and works to sustain US power in global finance. Foreigners, who now own roughly half of the US public debt, have something to gain from their domestic counterparts. The top 1{\%} of US households, which dominate domestic ownership of US Treasuries, has considerable political clout, thus alleviating foreign concerns about the creditworthiness of the US federal government. Domestic owners, in turn, benefit from the seemingly insatiable foreign appetite for US Treasury securities. In supplying the US federal government and US households with cheap credit, foreign investors in US Treasuries help to deflect challenges to the top 1{\%} within the wealth and income hierarchy.},
author = {Hager, Sandy Brian},
doi = {10.1177/1354066116657400},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hager - 2017 - A global bond Explaining the safe-haven status of US Treasury securities.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Capital flows,global finance,global financial crisis,inequality,power,public debt},
month = {sep},
number = {3},
pages = {557--580},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{A global bond: Explaining the safe-haven status of US Treasury securities}},
volume = {23},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Meckling2018,
abstract = {What are the origins of global regulation? This article proposes that the developmental state — the state investing in economic development — can be a source of global environmental regulation. Through industrial policy, the developmental state can promote structural economic change in polluting sectors that supports global regulatory policy in two ways: first, providing state support to green industries creates economic interests in support of global regulation; and, second, driving down the cost of technology through government subsidies alters the pay-offs of global cooperation for other states. This article examines the two mechanisms in the case of climate change: the global leadership of the European Union; and international cooperation on the Paris Agreement. The argument advances our theory of the state in global regulatory politics as both a developmental and a regulatory force. This article identifies significant scope for the developmental strategies of major economies to change the interest and cost structures of polluting sectors to support global environmental regulation.},
author = {Meckling, Jonas},
doi = {10.1177/1354066117700966},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Meckling - 2018 - The developmental state in global regulation Economic change and climate policy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14603713},
journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
keywords = {Business,climate change,developmental state,global environmental politics,global regulation,regulatory state,renewable energy,technology},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {58--81},
publisher = {SAGE Publications Ltd},
title = {{The developmental state in global regulation: Economic change and climate policy}},
volume = {24},
year = {2018}
}
@incollection{capik2019governance,
abstract = {This book examines how foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to Central and Eastern Europe have changed after the Great Recession. It argues that beyond their cyclical effects, the economic crisis and the changing competitiveness of Central and Eastern European countries have had structural impacts on FDI in the region. FDI has traditionally been viewed as the key driver of national development, but the apparent structural shift means that focusing on cheap labour as a competitive advantage is no longer a viable strategy for the countries in the region. The authors argue that these countries need to move beyond the narrative of upgrading (attracting FDI inflows with increasingly higher value added), and focus on ensuring greater value capture instead. A potential way for doing this is by developing the conditions in which innovative national companies can emerge, thrive and eventually develop into lead firms of global value chains. The book provides readers with a highly informative account of the reasons why this shift is necessary, as well as diverse perspectives and extensive discussions on the dynamics and structural impacts of FDI in post-crisis Central and Eastern Europe.},
author = {Capik, Pawe{\l}},
booktitle = {Foreign Investment Promotion},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
pages = {165--223},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Governance and Implementation of Investment Promotion in Central-Eastern European Regions}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Peinhardt2016,
abstract = {A backlash against Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS), in which multinational corporations can sue governments, has led some states to unilaterally withdraw from some of the thousands of investment treaties that facilitate ISDS. But thanks to redundancies in the dense, decentralized network of investment treaties, states can reject some treaty commitments to ISDS and maintain most (if not all) international legal protections for foreign investors. In this article, we explain the source of redundancies, document the group of states that have taken advantage of unilateral withdrawal, and demonstrate that states can recalibrate their international legal commitments without eschewing contemporary international investment law.},
author = {Peinhardt, Clint and Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.12355},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Peinhardt, Wellhausen - 2016 - Withdrawing from Investment Treaties but Protecting Investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {17585880},
journal = {Global Policy},
month = {nov},
number = {4},
pages = {571--576},
title = {{Withdrawing from Investment Treaties but Protecting Investment}},
url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/1758-5899.12355},
volume = {7},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Zeng2019,
abstract = {This article studies the formation process of China's belt and road initiative (BRI) – the most important Chinese foreign policy initiative under Xi Jinping. It argues that the BRI was put forward as a broad policy idea that was subsequently developed with relatively concrete content. During this process, the shifting international landscapes have gradually driven the BRI from a periphery strategy into a global initiative. By examining the case of Jiangsu Province, this article also shows how Chinese local governments have actively deployed their preferred narratives to influence and (re‐)interpret the BRI guidelines of the central government in order to advance their own interests. As a result, this produces a variety of competing, ambiguous and contradictory policy narratives of the BRI within China, which undermines the Chinese central government's monopoly on the BRI narratives. This leaves the BRI as a very vague and broad policy slogan that is subject to change and open to interpretation. In this regard, the existing analyses – that consider the BRI as Beijing's masterplan to achieve its geopolitical goals – pay insufficient attention to the BRI's domestic contestation and overstate the BRI's geopolitical implications.},
author = {Zeng, Jinghan},
doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.12662},
journal = {Global Policy},
month = {may},
number = {2},
pages = {207--216},
title = {{Narrating China's belt and road initiative}},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1758-5899.12662},
volume = {10},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Halvorsen2013,
abstract = {Does the partisan composition of state governments in the United States influence the location decisions of foreign multinational companies? This article argues that it does. We contend that partisan differences over state economic development policies still exist. Whereas Republicans tend to prefer an investment-driven (supply-side) growth model, Democrats favor a consumption-driven (demand-side) path to growth. Both sets of policies are of value to foreign direct investment; thus, multinationals do not favor one party over the other. A useful blend of policy measures is sought by foreign firms, making split state government preferable over unified government. Our arguments are comprehensively tested in a time-series cross-section analysis covering the period 1977-2004, with results supporting our claims. {\textcopyright} 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.},
author = {Halvorsen, Thomas and Jakobsen, Jo},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2013.768470},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Halvorsen, Jakobsen - 2013 - Democrats, Republicans-or Both An Empirical Analysis of the Effects of the Composition of State Governments.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03050629},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {United States,foreign direct investment (FDI),panel data,state governments},
number = {2},
pages = {167--191},
title = {{Democrats, Republicans-or Both? An Empirical Analysis of the Effects of the Composition of State Governments on FDI, 1977-2004}},
volume = {39},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Lee2016,
abstract = {The literature on foreign direct investment (FDI) has paid an increasing interest to international institutions such as bilateral investment treaties (BITs), but whether BITs help attract FDI is an unsettled question. Building on the existing literature, this article argues that BITs can change investors' perceptions and the corresponding investment they make because signing BITs signals the involvement of another powerful country that is able to compel the host government to comply. This implies that the effect of BITs is not constant across signatory countries: BITs are more effective when they are signed with rich and influential countries. Using monadic and dyadic FDI data, this article finds that BITs signed with powerful countries (defined as the top six largest economies) lead to an increase in FDI inflows (both from these signatory countries and from other countries). BITs signed with other countries, despite in a larger quantity, have little influence on FDI inflows.},
author = {Lee, Chia Yi and Johnston, Noel P.},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2016.1128429},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lee, Johnston - 2016 - Improving Reputation BIT by BIT Bilateral Investment Treaties and Foreign Accountability.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Bilateral investment treaty,OECD countries,foreign aid,foreign direct investment,foreign power,international institutions},
number = {3},
pages = {429--451},
title = {{Improving Reputation BIT by BIT: Bilateral Investment Treaties and Foreign Accountability}},
volume = {42},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Arel-Bundock2017b,
abstract = {Many large-N cross-national studies claim to show that political institutions and phenomena determine where foreign direct investment (FDI) flows. In this article, I argue that these studies tend to overemphasize statistical significance and often neglect to assess the explanatory or predictive power of their theories. To illustrate the problem, I estimate variations of a statistical model published in an influential article on “Political Risk, Institutions, and FDI.” I find that none of the political variables that the authors consider accounts for much of the variation in aggregate FDI inflows. To ensure that this underwhelming result is not driven by misspecification or measurement error, I leverage a large firm-level data set on the investment location decisions of thousands of multinational firms. Using nonparametric machine-learning techniques and out-of-sample tests, I show that gravity variables can help us develop very accurate expectations about firm behavior but that none of the 31 “political determinants” of FDI that I consider can do much to improve our expectations. These findings have important implications because they suggest that governments retain some room to move in the face of economic globalization.},
author = {Arel-Bundock, Vincent},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2016.1185011},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Arel-Bundock - 2017 - The Political Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment A Firm-Level Analysis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Capital flows, domestic institutions, foreign dire},
number = {3},
pages = {424--452},
title = {{The Political Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment: A Firm-Level Analysis}},
volume = {43},
year = {2017}
}
@article{hong2018deeper,
abstract = {Why do some leaders make deeper commitments to human rights treaties (HRAs) by consenting to receive extra monitoring of complaints or communications from individual citizens? Extant theory suggests leaders join HRAs for tangible benefits. However, empirical support for this argument is mixed. To address this mismatch, we approach this question from a different angle. We argue that by ratifying HRAs, leaders send a signal that they are reliable partners who value future returns. Accepting optional articles and protocols that increase monitoring of the state's human rights behavior, without changing the state's substantive obligations, helps better signal that the regime does not fear instability nor sees the need to resort to the proscribed abuses in the future. This, in turn, serves as an important middle step to recognizing tangible benefits, such as foreign direct investment, by improving investors' risk perception of ratified countries.},
author = {Hong, Mi Hwa and Uzonyi, Gary},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Human rights treaties,individual complaints,investment,signaling},
number = {6},
pages = {1040--1064},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{Deeper Commitment to Human Rights Treaties: Signaling and Investment Risk Perception}},
volume = {44},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Kim2017a,
abstract = {Investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) cases have increased dramatically in recent decades, and the institutions of investment arbitration to resolve investor-state disputes constitute the core of the modern investment regime. In this article, we seek to explain the variation in the host governments' risk of being challenged by foreign investors before international arbitration tribunals. We argue that such risk is greatest at the intermediate level of democracy where some democratic elements such as elections are strong, but the system of rule of law remains weak. In those regimes, “regulatory risk” runs higher than in autocratic regimes as the host governments are under greater pressure for regulating matters of broad public concern. At the same time, more traditional political risk of arbitrary, discriminate, and abusive acts remains considerable at that level of democracy due to weak rule of law, exacerbating the former risk. Empirical analysis provides a good deal of support for the argument.},
author = {Kim, Yong Kyun},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2016.1173546},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim - 2017 - States Sued Democracy, the Rule of Law, and Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS).pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Democracy,foreign direct investment,investor-state dispute,rule of law},
number = {2},
pages = {300--325},
title = {{States Sued: Democracy, the Rule of Law, and Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS)}},
volume = {43},
year = {2017}
}
@article{BauerleDanzman2016,
abstract = {Under what conditions can governments use international commitments such as Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) to attract foreign direct investment (FDI)? Although numerous studies have attempted to answer this question, none considers how investment treaties may have heterogeneous affects across industry. I argue BIT effect is strongest when the obsolescing bargaining problem between firms and governments is most protracted, namely, when FDI relies on strong contracts between firms and states. Using a time series cross-sectional data set of 114 developing countries from 1985 to 2011, I find BITs are associated with increases in infrastructure investment, an industry particularly reliant on the sanctity of government contracts, but not with total FDI inflows. Moreover, BITs with strong arbitration provisions display the strongest statistical effect on infrastructure investment, while BITs that do not provide investors with such protections are not associated with increased investment. My results have implications for both scholarship on the relationship between governments and multinational firms as well as for the study of international institutions more broadly. To properly ascertain the effects of international treaties and institutions, scholars should consider not just whether institutions constrain or inform—or matter at all—but also the extent to which the targets of institutions have heterogeneous responses to them.},
author = {{Bauerle Danzman}, Sarah},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2016.1121451},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bauerle Danzman - 2016 - Contracting with Whom The Differential Effects of Investment Treaties on FDI.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {,Bilateral investment treaties,foreign direct investment,infrastructure,international political economy},
number = {3},
pages = {452--478},
title = {{Contracting with Whom? The Differential Effects of Investment Treaties on FDI}},
volume = {42},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Bak2016a,
abstract = {Extant research has shown considerable interest in whether host countries' political uncertainty impedes foreign direct investment (FDI). Building upon the scholarly consensus on the adverse impact of political uncertainty on FDI, this article demonstrates that the extent to which investment climates are unpredictable varies cyclically, on the basis of election timing in democracies and leadership turnover in autocracies. The empirical results show that in presidential democracies, FDI tends to slowly increase after an executive election and then decline as the next executive election nears. However, I find that an electoral investment cycle is not found in parliamentary democracies where election timing is irregular, less predictable, and endogenous to domestic economic conditions. I also find that a similar political investment cycle exists in autocracies not through electoral cycle but through leadership tenure cycle. The level of FDI inflows tends to be relatively low early in autocrats' tenure when political uncertainty is high and rise as autocratic leadership tenure increases over time but eventually wane again as autocratic leadership is destabilized in the late period of power transition. The findings indicate the existence of heterogeneous political investment cycles, depending on regime type.},
author = {Bak, Daehee},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2016.1173547},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bak - 2016 - Political Investment Cycles in Democracies and Autocracies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Autocracy,FDI,cycle,democracy,uncertainty},
number = {5},
pages = {797--819},
title = {{Political Investment Cycles in Democracies and Autocracies}},
volume = {42},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Kim2013,
abstract = {How does foreign direct investment (FDI) affect the use of economic coercion? This article argues that while FDI matters, the effect depends on the entry mode of the FDI. The economic interdependence created by FDI does not have a monotonic effect on economic statecraft because the relative costs incurred by economic disruption differ depending on the forms of foreign investment. In particular, the FDI that creates wholly-owned subsidiaries (for example, cross-border mergers and aquisitions) imposes greater costs to the sender's firms than cross-border joint ventures with local partners, while FDI through joint ventures incurs greater costs for the host than the home country and its firms. By utilizing US sanction episodes from the Threat and Imposition of Economic Sanctions (TIES) dataset, the empirical analysis supports the argument. The results show that economic sanctions are less likely to occur as the share of FDI through cross-border mergers and acquisitions increases. {\textcopyright} 2013 Copyright Taylor {\&} Francis Group, LLC.},
author = {Kim, Dong Hun},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2013.751305},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim - 2013 - Coercive Assets Foreign Direct Investment and the Use of Economic Sanctions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03050629},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {cross-border mergers and acquisitions,economic sanctions,foreign direct investment,joint ventures},
number = {1},
pages = {99--117},
title = {{Coercive Assets? Foreign Direct Investment and the Use of Economic Sanctions}},
volume = {39},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Zeng2016,
abstract = {This article examines the differentisal effects of specific provisions included in China's bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in inducing foreign direct investment (FDI). Empirical analysis yields some evidence suggesting that while the signing of a BIT does not necessarily boost FDI, the entry into force of a BIT does exert a strong effect on investment flows. More importantly, we find substantial evidence that BITs with stronger investment protection provisions such as absolute and relative standards of treatment and dispute settlement procedures are more likely to induce greater FDI flows. These results suggest that the variation in the institutional design of bilateral investment treaties strongly influences FDI flows by shaping foreign investors' expectations of their asset security and the overall stability of the host country investment environment.},
author = {Zeng, Ka and Lu, Yue},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2016.1164460},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zeng, Lu - 2016 - Variation in Bilateral Investment Treaty Provisions and Foreign Direct Investment Flows to China, 1997–2011.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Bilateral investment treaty,China,foreign direct investment},
number = {5},
pages = {820--848},
title = {{Variation in Bilateral Investment Treaty Provisions and Foreign Direct Investment Flows to China, 1997–2011}},
volume = {42},
year = {2016}
}
@article{shin2019labor,
abstract = {Concern among voters in the United States and elsewhere about jobs moving overseas has spurred significant research into outward foreign direct investment (OFDI), which can depress employment and economic growth. Recent research shows that labor market institutions play a prominent role in influencing inward foreign direct investment in developed economies, but little is known about how such institutions influence OFDI. We argue that increasing labor union density or centralized wage bargaining threatens firms' profitability and thus leads to higher OFDI flows. Yet union density and coordination of wage setting moderate each other's effect on OFDI since firms can expect wage moderation, fewer strikes, and labor skill protection that offset labor costs. Our tests using data on 27 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development member countries between 1971 and 2013 suggest this is the case. The findings indicate that a highly stable and institutionalized labor market can lead firms to stay and to return if they have left.},
author = {Shin, Mi Jeong and Lee, Chia-yi},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment; Labor union; wage barga},
number = {5},
pages = {781--803},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{Labor Market Institutions and Outward Foreign Direct Investment in OECD Countries}},
volume = {45},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Egan2017,
abstract = {Scholars have long recognized that exchange-rate movements affect different actors within societies in different ways. However, increasingly complex global production chains add complications to longstanding theoretic models of exchange-rate politics. I argue that imported intermediate inputs condition firm preferences regarding the level and stability of exchange-rates and directly test these arguments using firm survey responses in a variety of countries. I employ multilevel models to evaluate how imported input profiles of firms interact with real effective exchange-rate movements to influence firm assessments of macroeconomic constraints. Higher dependence on imported inputs is linked to increased dissatisfaction with depreciating currencies, contingent on various firm and country characteristics. The results highlight the multiple channels through which exchange-rate movements can now affect exporters, nonexporters, and nontradables.},
author = {Egan, Patrick J.W.},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2016.1195565},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Egan - 2017 - The Political Economy of Exchange Rates in an Era of Global Production Chains.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {exchange rates,foreign direct investment,globalization,monetary systems},
number = {3},
pages = {507--536},
title = {{The Political Economy of Exchange Rates in an Era of Global Production Chains}},
volume = {43},
year = {2017}
}
@article{breen2019catalytic,
abstract = {Our study contributes to the search for the elusive catalytic effect of International Monetary Fund (IMF) lending on inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI). Recent scholarship has found that the catalytic effect is conditional on political regime and program stringency. We contribute to this literature by developing and testing a theory which describes how the catalytic effect also varies by economic sector. This is a departure from existing studies, which have tended to focus on aggregate FDI flows after crises. Our findings corroborate previous research, which finds that in general IMF lending has a substantial and negative effect on FDI. However, we find that the negative effect is concentrated in sectors that are highly dependent on external capital and have low sunk costs in the host country. Our findings are robust to several alternative explanations common in IMF literature, namely the importance of IMF program design and the ability of governments to make credible commitments to reform. Substantively, our findings suggest that investors are more likely to use IMF lending as an escape hatch in countries where FDI is dependent on external capital and has low sunk costs.},
author = {Breen, Michael and Egan, Patrick J W},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment},
number = {3},
pages = {447--473},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{The Catalytic Effect of IMF Lending: Evidence from Sectoral FDI Data}},
volume = {45},
year = {2019}
}
@article{minhas2018reputational,
abstract = {To what extent do alleged violations of international commitments damage state reputation? This article explore this question with specific reference to investor-state disputes arising under the protection of international investment agreements. Its main contributions are threefold. First, building on the political institutions literature, the study places the theoretical importance of information about the rules of the game, and the actions of the participants at the center of analysis. Second, in contrast to prior empirical research, the study systematically analyzes the costs of state involvement in investment treaty arbitration by examining all known disputes. Third, the study addresses the impact of investment disputes on both foreign investment flows and state reputational rankings. We show that the consequences of investment disputes vary with the transparency of the investor-state dispute settlement process. The central implication of these findings for the broader body of literature on international institutions is that reputational mechanisms for effective treaty enforcement cannot be taken as given but instead need to be explored on the basis of a nuanced approach that addresses the pivotal issues of institutional design and information costs.},
author = {Minhas, Shahryar and Remmer, Karen L},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {BITs,FDI,ICSID,international institutions,reputation},
number = {5},
pages = {862--887},
publisher = {Taylor {\&} Francis},
title = {{The Reputational Impact of Investor-State Disputes}},
volume = {44},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Woo2013,
abstract = {The article explores how International Monetary Fund (IMF) program design influences foreign direct investment inflows. The author argues that stricter IMF conditionality signals a program-participating government's commitment to economic reforms, as it incurs larger ex ante political cost and risks greater ex post political cost. Thus, the catalytic effect of an IMF program is conditional on conditionality: programs with stricter conditions catalyze more foreign direct investment than those with less stringent conditions. Empirical analysis of the IMF conditionality dataset supports the argument and shows that after accounting for IMF program participation, the more structural conditions included in an IMF program, the more foreign direct investment flows into the country. {\textcopyright} 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.},
author = {Woo, Byungwon},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2013.782303},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Woo - 2013 - Conditional on Conditionality IMF Program Design and Foreign Direct Investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03050629},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {International Monetary Fund,foreign direct investment,international crises},
number = {3},
pages = {292--315},
title = {{Conditional on Conditionality: IMF Program Design and Foreign Direct Investment}},
volume = {39},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Wang2016,
abstract = {Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) have become important and controversial in global economy. We analyze why some SWFs have more encompassing and clearly specified governance rules than others. We argue that SWF institutionalization is structurally rooted in a country's regime type and number of veto players in public policymaking. Democracy promotes SWF institutionalization by its need for strong rule of law, voters trying to constrain opportunistic behaviors of politicians, and the free flow of information. In contrast, the number of veto players has a curvilinear effect. When the number of veto players is very small, institutionalization is too rigid, constraining, and not preferred; when the number of veto players is moderate, it is optimal for veto players to manage their conflict over SWF governance in a more routine and institutionalized fashion; and when the number of veto players grows above a threshold, it becomes too costly to coordinate and produce mutually agreeable institutional rules. Our empirical analysis of 46 SWFs in 30 countries from 2007 to 2009 provides robust confirming evidence. SWF governance is more institutionalized and transparent in democracies and in countries with four veto players. Our research has important theoretical and policy implications for the ongoing debate over SWF.},
author = {Wang, Di and Li, Quan},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2016.1130313},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Democracy,governance rules,institutionalization,quantitative analysis,sovereign wealth fund,veto player},
title = {{Democracy, Veto Player, and Institutionalization of Sovereign Wealth Funds}},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Lee2014,
abstract = {Although numerous studies document the effect of political institutions on foreign direct investment (FDI), few works in the political economy literature have investigated the link between political institutions and the mode of entry chosen by investors, be it mergers and acquisitions, joint ventures, or greenfield investments. Using panel data for 111 developing countries covering 1980–2006, we find that countries with political institutions that uphold good governance tend to attract higher levels of mergers and acquisitions, as opposed to joint ventures and greenfield investments, because such institutions help to mitigate the special risks faced by merger and acquisition investors. Our findings provide a nuance for understanding the different effects of political institutions based on the particular mode of entry.},
author = {Lee, Hoon and Biglaiser, Glen and Staats, Joseph L.},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2014.899225},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lee, Biglaiser, Staats - 2014 - The Effects of Political Risk on Different Entry Modes of Foreign Direct Investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {foreign direct investment,greenfield investments,joint ventures,political risk},
number = {5},
pages = {683--710},
title = {{The Effects of Political Risk on Different Entry Modes of Foreign Direct Investment}},
volume = {40},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Freeman2013,
abstract = {The number of investment treaty arbitrations has exploded in recent years. However, the distribution of known arbitral claims varies among states. Some states have had multiple claims brought against them, while others appear not to have experienced any. This article represents the first study to seek causal explanations for this variation. My principal hypothesis is that a country's institutional capacity for protecting investor rights should be negatively correlated with the number of treaty-based arbitral claims brought against it. A panel analysis suggests that, after controlling for other determinants, countries with greater institutional capacity experience fewer disputes than those with lower capacity. This finding reveals an important truth about investment treaties: while they may be designed to help developing countries compensate for domestic-level institutional deficiencies in order to attract more foreign investment, it is precisely those countries with the weakest institutions for which the costs of treaty compliance are likely to be the highest. {\textcopyright} 2013 Copyright Taylor {\&} Francis Group, LLC.},
author = {Freeman, Nathan W.},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2013.751296},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Freeman - 2013 - Domestic Institutions, Capacity Limitations, and Compliance Costs Host Country Determinants of Investment Treaty Arbitr.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03050629},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {bilateral investment treaties,compliance,domestic institutions,foreign direct investment,investor-state arbitration},
number = {1},
pages = {54--78},
title = {{Domestic Institutions, Capacity Limitations, and Compliance Costs: Host Country Determinants of Investment Treaty Arbitrations, 1987-2007}},
volume = {39},
year = {2013}
}
@article{DeSoysa2018,
abstract = {Scholars of public health identify globalization as a major cause of obesity. Free markets are blamed for spreading high calorie, nutrient-poor diets, and sedentary lifestyles across the globe. Global trade and investment agreements apparently curtail government action in the interest of public health. Globalization is also blamed for raising income inequality and social insecurities, which contribute to “obesogenic” environments. Contrary to recent empirical studies, this study demonstrates that globalization and several component parts, such as trade openness, FDI flows, and an index of economic freedom, reduce weight gain and obesity among children and youth, the most likely age cohort to be affected by the past three decades of globalization and attendant lifestyle changes. The results suggest strongly that local-level factors possibly matter much more than do global-level factors for explaining why some people remain thin and others put on weight. The proposition that globalization is homogenizing cultures across the globe in terms of diets and lifestyles is possibly exaggerated. The results support the proposition that globalized countries prioritize health because of the importance of labor productivity and human capital due to heightened market competition, ceteris paribus, even if rising incomes might drive high consumption.},
author = {de Soysa, Indra and de Soysa, Ann Kristin},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2017.1311259},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/de Soysa, de Soysa - 2018 - Do Globalization and Free Markets Drive Obesity among Children and Youth An Empirical Analysis, 1990–2013.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Globalization,economic freedom,obesity,trade and FDI},
number = {1},
pages = {88--106},
title = {{Do Globalization and Free Markets Drive Obesity among Children and Youth? An Empirical Analysis, 1990–2013}},
volume = {44},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Chapman2013,
abstract = {How do international financial conditions affect civil unrest? Existing studies examine the domestic economic roots of political violence but say little about the role of external financial conditions. We explore the interactions between international lending, government policy, and domestic unrest. In particular, we note that because of sovereign risk and defensive lending dynamics, credit ratings and interest rate premia are endogenous to expectations about civil violence. We test these claims using instrumental variables techniques and daily data on sovereign bond yield spreads, credit ratings, and episodes of civil violence in 59 developing countries from 1990 through 2004. After correcting for endogeneity, we find that exogenous increases in the price of foreign capital are robustly associated with increased odds of civil conflict. Primary commodity dependence, low economic growth, and poverty can also increase the odds of civil conflict by reducing access to foreign capital. {\textcopyright} 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.},
author = {Chapman, Terrence and Reinhardt, Eric},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2013.782302},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chapman, Reinhardt - 2013 - Global Credit Markets, Political Violence, and Politically Sustainable Risk Premia.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03050629},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Comparative Political Economy (CPE),International Political Economy (IPE),conflict},
number = {3},
pages = {316--342},
title = {{Global Credit Markets, Political Violence, and Politically Sustainable Risk Premia}},
volume = {39},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Bastiaens2016,
abstract = {While political scientists find that democracy reduces political risk, little scholarship analyzes how authoritarian regimes attract foreign direct investment (FDI). This article argues that while authoritarian countries are generally risky, this risk can be minimized when authoritarian regimes are constrained from both “above” and “below.” Signing international investment treaties are critical for authoritarian countries to signal a commitment to FDI-friendly policies. However, only authoritarian signatories that allow some degree of public deliberation in their policymaking are then constrained from deviating from the policies of the international investment treaties. Panel statistical regressions and a case analysis support the hypothesis.},
author = {Bastiaens, Ida},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2015.1065699},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bastiaens - 2016 - The Politics of Foreign Direct Investment in Authoritarian Regimes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment,international political economy},
number = {1},
pages = {140--171},
title = {{The Politics of Foreign Direct Investment in Authoritarian Regimes}},
volume = {42},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Manger2017,
abstract = {The international regime for the promotion and protection of foreign investment consists of a multitude of close to 3,000 bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and related international investment agreements (IIAs). Yet, despite a growing body of research on IIAs, scholars in political economy have paid little attention to the legal language in the treaties themselves. In this research note, we draw on the conceptual apparatus of the legalization literature and focus on legal precision in BITs. We use a new data set created through quantitative text analysis to develop an index measuring legal precision. We then investigate the causes of the pronounced increase in precision in BITs and the considerable variation across treaties. We argue that capital-exporting countries are the primary drivers of change, and that they are motivated because they learn the implications of existing legal language from two sources: First, from the growing number of arbitration proceedings, and second, when they themselves are targeted by such claims. We provide statistical tests of our hypotheses and find ample support.},
author = {Manger, Mark S. and Peinhardt, Clint},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2017.1311258},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Manger, Peinhardt - 2017 - Learning and the Precision of International Investment Agreements.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Bilateral investment treaties,foreign direct investment,investment agreements,legalization},
number = {6},
pages = {920--940},
title = {{Learning and the Precision of International Investment Agreements}},
volume = {43},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Barry2016,
abstract = {The industry standard for studying multinational corporations (MNCs) has been to evaluate patterns in aggregate country-level measures of foreign direct investment (FDI). Though certainly related, these data are at best a proxy for the actual commercial and productive activities of multinationals that most political scientists purport to be interested in. Simply put, this is a very indirect way of testing theories about the sociopolitical and economic factors that motivate MNCs' choice of host countries. This article introduces a new firm-level data set designed to get around this problem by permitting more direct analysis of multinationals' foreign operations. It then revisits the relationship between regime type and direct investment, finding evidence that MNCs are more likely to establish new subsidiaries in democracies than in nondemocracies. However, further analysis reveals that the strength of this relationship varies by context. Specifically, MNCs rely on regime type as an indicator of political risk when they lack an existing relationship with the host state. In addition, those operating in extractive industries are generally less responsive to political institutions than those operating in manufacturing or services. These results suggest that firm- and sector-specific factors deserve greater consideration than they have been given in the existing literature.},
author = {Barry, Colin M.},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2015.1065698},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barry - 2016 - Bringing the Company Back In A Firm-Level Analysis of Foreign Direct Investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Data,democracy,foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {244--270},
title = {{Bringing the Company Back In: A Firm-Level Analysis of Foreign Direct Investment}},
volume = {42},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Touchton2016,
abstract = {This article makes several contributions to the literature on political risk and the determinants of capital inflows. First, I clarify the relationship between capital flows and democracy's constituent parts in a way that takes arguments beyond aggregate democracy indicators and static political institutional structures. Specifically, I argue that fair elections signal government respect for democracy and the rule of law in a highly visible manner investors can access. I show how investors therefore use the fairness of elections as a way to assess political risk and to inform their investment strategies. However, the type of investment and the kinds of evidence of electoral misbehavior condition elections' influence on capital flows. I also disaggregate capital flows into foreign direct investment (FDI) and portfolio investment. I argue that the logic of investing is different in the short term (portfolio) versus the long term (FDI). When it comes to political risk, I provide evidence that portfolio investment is much more sensitive to risk factors than FDI because of the relative ease with which portfolio investors can extricate themselves from an increasingly risky market and seek safer returns elsewhere compared to direct investors.},
author = {Touchton, Michael},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2016.1093475},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Touchton - 2016 - Campaigning for Capital Fair Elections and Foreign Investment in Comparative Perspective.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {CPE,democracy,development,foreign direct investment,political risk},
number = {2},
pages = {271--294},
title = {{Campaigning for Capital: Fair Elections and Foreign Investment in Comparative Perspective}},
volume = {42},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Roberts2018,
abstract = {As foreign direct investment (FDI) has become increasingly important in the world economy, a large body of literature has emerged regarding the determinants of FDI flows. Some scholars argue that democracy attracts FDI through the mechanism of political constraints, which reduce the risk of negative policy changes. However, the value of policy stability should be conditional on the attractiveness of contemporary FDI-relevant policies. I therefore propose a theoretically more comprehensive argument: political constraints are attractive to investors when the host country policy environment is FDI-friendly, because these political constraints reduce the probability of negative policy changes in the future. When the policy environment is hostile to FDI, on the other hand, political constraints will have little positive effect, and, to the extent they indicate that FDI-relevant policies are unlikely to improve, may even deter FDI. This argument helps explain why the positive relationship between democracy and FDI seems to emerge after a global shift toward FDI-friendly polices. I find robust empirical support for the argument in tests covering more than 100 developing countries from 1970 to 2014, indicating significant effects using a variety of policy and political constraint measures.},
author = {Roberts, Tyson},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2018.1448806},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Roberts - 2018 - Economic Policy, Political Constraints, and Foreign Direct Investment in Developing Countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15477444},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment,multinational corporations,policy stability,political institutions},
number = {3},
pages = {582--602},
title = {{Economic Policy, Political Constraints, and Foreign Direct Investment in Developing Countries}},
volume = {44},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Owen2013,
abstract = {Although inward foreign direct investment (FDI) has many benefits for a country as a whole, like trade, it is a source of competition for producers in the host country, with concomitant effects on labor markets. The entrance of foreign multinationals increases demand for skilled labor at the expense of unskilled labor, and also increases the elasticity of demand for labor because multinationals are able to shift production across borders. This raises the question of whether or not labor has an impact on policy toward inward FDI. I suggest that organized labor is a key determinant of the influence of labor on inward FDI restrictions. Not only do unions mitigate the collective action problem facing labor, but unionized workers, regardless of skill level, have incentives to support restrictions on inward FDI because rising elasticity of demand restricts bargaining power. I expect that higher levels of unionization will lead to greater restrictions on inward FDI. I find support for this hypothesis in an analysis of U.S. industry-level formal restrictions on inward FDI between 1981 and 2000. Industry skill intensity, a proxy for the distributional consequences of FDI for labor, does not explain variation in barriers to inward FDI, suggesting that the confluence of interests and influence is necessary for labor to influence policy. {\textcopyright} 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.},
author = {Owen, Erica},
doi = {10.1080/03050629.2013.834258},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Owen - 2013 - Unionization and Restrictions on Foreign Direct Investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {03050629},
journal = {International Interactions},
keywords = {domestic politics,economic globalization,foreign direct investment,unionization},
number = {5},
pages = {723--747},
title = {{Unionization and Restrictions on Foreign Direct Investment}},
volume = {39},
year = {2013}
}
@book{Queralt2019,
abstract = {In this article I revisit the relationship between war and state making in modern times by focusing on two prominent types of war finance: taxes and foreign loans. Financing war with tax money enhances the capacity to assess wealth and monitor compliance, namely fiscal capacity. Tax-financed war facilitates the adoption of power-sharing institutions, which transform taxation into a non-zero-sum game, carrying on the effect of war in the long run. Financing war with external capital does not contribute to long-term fiscal capacity if borrowers interrupt debt service and, as part of the default settlement, war debt is condoned or exchanged for nontax revenue. The empirical evidence draws from war around the world as early as 1816. Results suggest that globalization of capital markets in the nineteenth century undermined the association between war, state making, and political reform.},
author = {Queralt, Didac},
booktitle = {International Organization},
doi = {10.1017/s0020818319000250},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Queralt - 2019 - War, International Finance, and Fiscal Capacity in the Long Run.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818319},
issn = {0020-8183},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
pages = {1--41},
title = {{War, International Finance, and Fiscal Capacity in the Long Run}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Bermeo2015e,
abstract = {Recent articles conclude that foreign aid, like other nontax resources, inhibits political change in authoritarian regimes. This article challenges both the negative political effects of aid and the similarity of aid to other resources. It develops a model incorporating changing donor preferences and the heterogeneity of foreign aid. Consistent with the model's predictions, an empirical test for the period 1973-2010 shows that, on average, the negative relationship between aid and the likelihood of democratic change is confined to the Cold War period. However, in the post-Cold War period, nondemocratic recipients of particular strategic importance can still use aid to thwart change. The relationship between oil revenue and democratic change does not follow the same pattern over time or across recipients. This supports the conclusion that aid has different properties than other, fungible, resources.},
author = {Bermeo, Sarah Blodgett},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818315000296},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bermeo - 2015 - Aid Is Not Oil Donor Utility, Heterogeneous Aid, and the Aid-Democratization Relationship.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {1--32},
title = {{Aid Is Not Oil: Donor Utility, Heterogeneous Aid, and the Aid-Democratization Relationship}},
volume = {70},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Barry2015b,
abstract = {Scholarship on the determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI) flows has produced valuable insights into the role of host state characteristics and home-host relations. This study draws attention to another factor in investment decisions - the political and economic relations that home and host states maintain with third-party states. More narrowly, we focus on how investors respond to their home-state's imposition of economic sanctions against a trading partner. Greater economic integration has allowed states to use economic sanctions more frequently in recent decades. At the same time, economic sanctions are thought to have a distorting effect on global trade and financial flows as firms and governments adjust to new constraints. We argue that as firms at home in the sanctioning state respond to coercive measures against a trading partner by looking for alternative sources of profit, they will shift investments to states that can provide indirect access to the sanctioned economy. In particular, those states that are perceived as prospective sanctions-busters - major trading partners of the sanctions target or states with a history of sanctions-busting behavior - will benefit disproportionately from the misfortune of others. We test this conjecture using data on US economic sanctions and global flows of US FDI from 1966 to 2000. The findings reveal that investor decision making in part responds to political developments beyond the home-host dyad.},
author = {Barry, Colin M. and Kleinberg, Katja B.},
doi = {10.1017/S002081831500017X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barry, Kleinberg - 2015 - Profiting from Sanctions Economic Coercion and US Foreign Direct Investment in Third-Party States.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
number = {4},
pages = {881--892},
title = {{Profiting from Sanctions: Economic Coercion and US Foreign Direct Investment in Third-Party States}},
volume = {69},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Carson2015a,
abstract = {States pursue their cooperative and competitive goals using both public and private policy tools. Yet there is a profound mismatch between the depth, variety, and importance of covert activity and what scholars of International Relations (IR) know about it. This article addresses this gap by analyzing how adversaries struggle for influence within the covert sphere, why they often retreat to it, and when they abandon it. It focuses on secrecy among adversaries intervening in local conflicts and develops a theory about secrecy's utility as a device for creating sustainable limits in war. Drawing on insights about secrecy and face-work from the sociologist Erving Goffman, I show that major powers individually and collectively conceal evidence of foreign involvement when the danger of unintended conflict escalation is acute. Doing so creates a kind of backstage in which adversaries can exceed limits on war without stimulating hard-to-resist pressure to escalate further. An important payoff of the theory is making sense of puzzling cases of forbearance: even though adversaries often know about their opponent's covert activity, they often abstain from publicizing it. Such tacit collusion arises when both sides seek to manage escalation risks even as they compete for power and refuse to capitulate. The article evaluates the theory via several nested cases of external intervention in the Korean War. Drawing on newly available materials documenting the covert air war between secretly deployed Soviet pilots and Western forces, the cases show how adversaries can successfully limit war by concealing activity from outside audiences. Beyond highlighting the promise in studying the covert realm in world politics, the article has important implications for scholarship on coercive bargaining, reputation, state uses of secrecy, and how regime type influences conflict behavior.},
author = {Carson, Austin},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818315000284},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carson - 2015 - Facing off and Saving Face Covert Intervention and Escalation Management in the Korean War.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {103--131},
title = {{Facing off and Saving Face: Covert Intervention and Escalation Management in the Korean War}},
volume = {70},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Honig2019b,
abstract = {Bureaucracies with field operations that cannot be easily supervised and monitored by managers are caught between two sources of dysfunction that may harm performance. The first source of dysfunction is straightforward: field workers can use operating slack and asymmetric information to their own advantage, thwarting an organization's objectives. The second source of dysfunction is often overlooked: attempts to limit workers' autonomy may have deleterious effects, curbing agents' ability to respond efficaciously to the environment. I find that the parliaments and executive boards to whom International Development Organizations (IDOs) are accountable differentially constrain IDO organizational autonomy, which in turn affects management's control of field agents. Tight management control of field agents has negative effects, particularly in more unpredictable environments. Attempts by politicians to constrain organizations in an effort to improve performance can sometimes be self-undermining, having net effects opposite those intended.},
author = {Honig, Dan},
doi = {10.1017/S002081831800036X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Honig - 2019 - When Reporting Undermines Performance The Costs of Politically Constrained Organizational Autonomy in Foreign Aid Impleme.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {171--201},
title = {{When Reporting Undermines Performance: The Costs of Politically Constrained Organizational Autonomy in Foreign Aid Implementation}},
volume = {73},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Saunders2017a,
abstract = {Despite advances in the study of individuals in international relations, we still know little about how the traits and biases of individuals aggregate. Most foreign policy decisions are made in groups, usually by elites with varying degrees of experience, which can have both positive and negative psychological effects. This paper addresses the aggregation problem by exploring how the balance of foreign policy experience among leaders and advisers affects decision making in war, using a principal-agent framework that allows the relative experience of leaders and advisers to vary. A leader's experience affects decision making and, ultimately, the risks associated with conflict, through three mechanisms. First, experience influences a leader's ability to monitor advisers. Second, a leader's experience affects the credibility of delegation to experienced advisers and, in turn, the nature and extent of information gathering. Third, experience affects whether leaders are able to diversify advice, as well as their preference for policies that appear certain. I illustrate the argument using two cases that hold an unusual number of factors constant: the 1991 and 2003 Iraq Wars. George W. Bush's inexperience exacerbated the biases of his advisers, whereas his father's experience cast a long shadow over many of the same officials. Understanding the experience and biases of any one individual is insufficient - the balance of experience within a group is also important. Experience is therefore not fungible: a seasoned team cannot substitute for an experienced leader.},
author = {Saunders, Elizabeth N.},
doi = {10.1017/S002081831600045X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Saunders - 2017 - No Substitute for Experience Presidents, Advisers, and Information in Group Decision Making.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {S1},
pages = {S219--S247},
title = {{No Substitute for Experience: Presidents, Advisers, and Information in Group Decision Making}},
volume = {71},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Musgrave2018a,
abstract = {Why do leading actors invest in costly projects that they expect will not yield appreciable military or economic benefits? We identify a causal process in which concerns about legitimacy produce attempts to secure dominance in arenas of high symbolic value by investing wealth and labor into unproductive (in direct military and economic terms) goods and performances. We provide evidence for our claims through a comparative study of the American Project Apollo and the Ming Dynasty's treasure fleets. We locate our argument within a broader constructivist and practice-theoretic understanding of hierarchy and hegemony. We build on claims that world politics is a sphere of complex social stratification by viewing constituent hierarchies in terms of social fields. Our specific theory and broader framework, we contend, provide tools for understanding the workings of power politics beyond military and economic competition.},
author = {Musgrave, Paul and Nexon, Daniel H.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818318000139},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Musgrave, Nexon - 2018 - Defending hierarchy from the moon to the indian ocean Symbolic capital and political dominance in early modern.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {3},
pages = {591--626},
title = {{Defending hierarchy from the moon to the indian ocean: Symbolic capital and political dominance in early modern china and the cold war}},
volume = {72},
year = {2018}
}
@article{McLean2014a,
abstract = {Existing studies of foreign aid suggest that donor countries' economic groups, such as exporters, should be generally opposed to multilateral aid because multilateral flows do not allow donor countries to tie their aid implicitly or explicitly to the promotion of their domestic economic interests. However, economic groups can actually benefit from some types of multilateral aid, and this serves as an incentive for donor governments to support international organizations generating the benefits. I test my argument using data on aid allocated to the Multilateral Fund for the Implementation of the Montreal Protocol and the Global Environment Facility, and international trade by commodity. I find robust empirical support for the argument that when donors' domestic economic groups are likely to gain from opportunities created by international environmental organizations' programs, donor governments increase aid allocations to these organizations.},
author = {McLean, Elena V.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818314000289},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/McLean - 2014 - Multilateral aid and domestic economic interests.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {97--130},
title = {{Multilateral aid and domestic economic interests}},
volume = {69},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Rathbun2017,
abstract = {Psychology is traditionally used in political science to explain deviations from rationality. Lost in the debate between rationalists and their critics, however, is a sense of whether the kinds of strategic self-interested behavior predicted by these models has psychological microfoundations: what would homo economicus look like in the real world? We argue that strategic rationality varies across individuals and is characterized by a pro-self social-value orientation and a high level of epistemic motivation. Testing our argument in the context of international relations, we employ a laboratory bargaining game and integrate it with archival research on German foreign policy-making in the 1920s. We find in both contexts that even among those interested in maximizing only their own egoistic gains, those with greater epistemic motivation are better able to adapt to the strategic situation, particularly the distribution of power. Our results build a bridge between two approaches often considered to be antithetical to one another.},
author = {Rathbun, Brian C. and Kertzer, Joshua D. and Paradis, Mark},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818316000412},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Rathbun, Kertzer, Paradis - 2017 - Homo Diplomaticus Mixed-Method Evidence of Variation in Strategic Rationality.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {S1},
pages = {S33--S60},
title = {{Homo Diplomaticus: Mixed-Method Evidence of Variation in Strategic Rationality}},
volume = {71},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Bas2016a,
abstract = {We develop a formal model of bargaining between two states where one can invest in a program to develop nuclear weapons and the other imperfectly observes its efforts and progress over time. In the absence of a nonproliferation deal, the observing state watches the former's program, waiting until proliferation seems imminent to attack. Chance elements - when the program will make progress and when the other state will discover this - determine outcomes. Surprise proliferation, crises over the suspected progress of a nuclear program, and possibly mistaken preventive wars arise endogenously from these chance elements. Consistent with the model's predictions and contrary to previous studies, the empirical evidence shows that the progress of a nuclear program and intelligence estimates of it explain the character and outcomes of most interactions between a proliferant and a potential preventive attacker. Counterintuitively, policies intended to reduce proliferation by delaying nuclear programs or improving monitoring capabilities may instead encourage it.},
author = {Bas, Muhammet A. and Coe, Andrew J.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818316000230},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bas, Coe - 2016 - A Dynamic Theory of Nuclear Proliferation and Preventive War.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {4},
pages = {655--685},
title = {{A Dynamic Theory of Nuclear Proliferation and Preventive War}},
volume = {70},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Gunitsky2014a,
abstract = {What causes democratic waves? This article puts forward a theory of institutional waves that focuses on the effects of systemic transformations. It argues that abrupt shifts in the distribution of power among leading states create unique and powerful incentives for sweeping domestic reforms. A variety of statistical tests reveals strong support for the idea that shifts in hegemonic power have shaped waves of democracy, fascism, and communism in the twentieth century, independent of domestic factors or horizontal diffusion. These hegemonic shocks produce windows of opportunity for external regime imposition, enable rising powers to rapidly expand networks of trade and patronage, and inspire imitators by credibly revealing hidden information about relative regime effectiveness to foreign audiences. I outline these mechanisms of coercion, influence, and emulation that connect shocks to waves, empirically test their relationship, and illustrate the theory with two case studies - the wave of democratic transitions after World War I, and the fascist wave of the late interwar period. In sum, democracy in the twentieth century cannot be fully understood without examining the effects of hegemonic shocks. {\textcopyright} The IO Foundation 2014.},
author = {Gunitsky, Seva},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818314000113},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gunitsky - 2014 - From shocks to waves Hegemonic transitions and democratization in the twentieth century.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {3},
pages = {561--597},
title = {{From shocks to waves: Hegemonic transitions and democratization in the twentieth century}},
volume = {68},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Debs2014a,
abstract = {Large and rapid power shifts resulting from exogenous economic growth are considered sufficient to cause preventive wars. Yet most large and rapid shifts result from endogenous military investments. We show that when the investment decision is perfectly transparent, peace prevails. Large and rapid power shifts are deterred through the threat of a preventive war. When investments remain undetected, however, states may be tempted to introduce power shifts as a fait accompli. Knowing this, their adversaries may strike preventively even without conclusive evidence of militarization. In fact, the more effective preventive wars are, the more likely they will be launched against states that are not militarizing. Our argument emphasizes the role of imperfect information as a cause of war. It also explains why powerful states may attack weaker targets even with ambiguous evidence of their militarization. We illustrate our theory through an account of the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. {\textcopyright} 2014 by The IO Foundation.},
author = {Debs, Alexandre and Monteiro, Nuno P.},
booktitle = {International Organization},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818313000192},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Debs, Monteiro - 2014 - Known unknowns Power shifts, uncertainty, and war.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818313000},
issn = {15315088},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {1--31},
title = {{Known unknowns: Power shifts, uncertainty, and war}},
volume = {68},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Salehyan2014a,
abstract = {Although some rebel groups work hard to foster collaborative ties with civilians, others engage in egregious abuses and war crimes. We argue that foreign state funding for rebel organizations greatly reduces incentives to win the hearts and minds of civilians because it diminishes the need to collect resources from the population. However, unlike other lucrative resources, foreign funding of rebel groups must be understood in principal-agent terms. Some external principals - namely, democracies and states with strong human rights lobbies - are more concerned with atrocities in the conflict zone than others. Multiple state principals also lead to abuse because no single state can effectively restrain the organization. We test these conjectures with new data on foreign support for rebel groups and data on one-sided violence against civilians. Most notably, we find strong evidence that principal characteristics help influence agent actions. {\textcopyright} The IO Foundation 2014.},
author = {Salehyan, Idean and Siroky, David and Wood, Reed M.},
doi = {10.1017/S002081831400006X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Salehyan, Siroky, Wood - 2014 - External rebel sponsorship and civilian abuse A principal-agent analysis of wartime atrocities.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {3},
pages = {633--661},
title = {{External rebel sponsorship and civilian abuse: A principal-agent analysis of wartime atrocities}},
volume = {68},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Krebs2015a,
abstract = {Contemporaries and historians often blame the errors and tragedies of US policy during the Cold War on a dominant narrative of national security: the "Cold War consensus." Its usual periodization, according to which it came together in the late 1940s and persisted until the late 1960s when it unraveled amidst the trauma of the Vietnam War, fits well with a common theory of change in ideas and discourse. That theory expects stasis until a substantial unexpected failure (in this domain, military defeat) discredits dominant ideas and unsettles dominant coalitions. However, systematic data reveal the standard history of this important case to be wrong. Based on a large-scale content analysis of newspaper editorials on foreign affairs, this article shows that the Cold War narrative was narrower than conventional accounts suggest, that it did not coalesce until well into the 1950s, and that it began to Erode even before the Vietnam War's Americanization in 1965. To make sense of this puzzle, I develop an alternative theory of the rise and fall of the narratives that underpin and structure debate over national security. Rooted in the dynamics of public narrative and the domestic politics of the battlefield, the theory argues that military failure impedes change in the narrative in whose terms government officials had legitimated the mission, whereas victory creates the opportunity for departures from the dominant narrative. Process-tracing reveals causal dynamics consistent with the theory: failure in the Korean War, which might have undermined Cold War globalism, instead facilitated the Cold War narrative's rise to dominance (or consensus); and the triumph of the Cuban Missile Crisis made possible that dominant narrative's breakdown before the upheaval of Vietnam. This hard and important case suggests the need to rethink the relationship between success, failure, and change in dominant narratives of national security - and perhaps in other policy domains as well.},
author = {Krebs, Ronald R.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818315000181},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Krebs - 2015 - How Dominant Narratives Rise and Fall Military Conflict, Politics, and the Cold War Consensus.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {4},
pages = {809--845},
title = {{How Dominant Narratives Rise and Fall: Military Conflict, Politics, and the Cold War Consensus}},
volume = {69},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Gowa2017a,
abstract = {That the anarchic system generates incentives for states to balance each other's power is conventional wisdom in international relations. As such, the contemporary unipolar system is an anomaly. Observers explain its existence in several ways, including the benevolence of US hegemony and the constraints international institutions impose on the exercise of US power. None of them, however, explain what is perhaps the most puzzling outcome of the Soviet collapse: the decision of the United States to maintain its level of military spending. To explain its choice, we extend the seminal argument Waltz advanced long ago to a dynamic setting. Using a simple model, we show that the interest of the unipole in deterring a challenge to its power can induce it to continue to invest in guns rather than to shift its resources to the production of butter. This strategy can enable the incumbent unipole to pre-empt the balancing process that has long been thought to be central to state survival under anarchy.},
author = {Gowa, Joanne and Ramsay, Kristopher W.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818317000170},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gowa, Ramsay - 2017 - Gulliver untied Entry deterrence under unipolarity.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {3},
pages = {459--490},
title = {{Gulliver untied: Entry deterrence under unipolarity}},
volume = {71},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Findley2017a,
abstract = {Does foreign aid enable or constrain elite capture of public revenues? Reflecting on prominent debates in the foreign aid literature, we examine whether recipient preferences are consistent with a view that foreign donors wield substantial control over the flow of aid dollars, making elite capture more difficult and mass benefits more likely. We compare elite and mass support for foreign aid versus government spending on development projects through a survey experiment with behavioral outcomes. A key innovation is a parallel experiment on members of the Ugandan national parliament and a representative sample of Ugandan citizens. For two actual aid projects, we randomly assigned different funders to the projects. Significant treatment effects reveal that members of parliament support government programs over foreign aid, whereas citizens prefer aid over government. Donor control also implies that citizens should favor foreign aid more and elites less as their perceptions of government clientelism and corruption increase. We explore this and report on other alternative mechanisms. Effects for citizens and elites are most apparent for those perceiving significant government corruption, suggesting that both sets of subjects perceive significant donor control over aid.},
author = {Findley, Michael G. and Harris, Adam S. and Milner, Helen V. and Nielson, Daniel L.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818317000273},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Findley et al. - 2017 - Who controls foreign aid elite versus public perceptions of donor influence in aid-dependent Uganda.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {4},
pages = {633--663},
title = {{Who controls foreign aid? elite versus public perceptions of donor influence in aid-dependent Uganda}},
volume = {71},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Smith2019a,
abstract = {Recent international relations scholarship has argued that political elites constrain the use of military force by democracies. Despite the persuasiveness of this research, scholars have largely ignored elite dynamics' ability to constrain the initiation of covert operations. This omission is consequential because scholars of US foreign policy often assume that covert operations serve as a substitute for the overt use of force; secrecy allows leaders to limit information to congressional elites and thus weaken their oversight capabilities. Do elite political dynamics constrain presidents' ability to act secretly or do they affect the overt use of force only? I argue that elite political constraints—particularly opposition from Congress—extend to the president's ability to initiate covert operations. By examining the trade-off between US military force and CIA-initiated covert operations during the Cold War, I find the likelihood that covert operations are initiated decreases significantly during periods of divided government and that there is no distinguishable trade-off between covert operations and overt military force. The results suggest that constraints on covert operations became more uniform across unified and divided government following congressional oversight reforms in 1975 that reduced the information asymmetry between the majority and minority party. These findings have important ramifications for the nascent literature on back-door bargaining and covert signalling. Because democratic leaders frequently face domestic political costs even when acting in secret, covert operations should allow leaders to credibly convey their resolve.},
author = {Smith, Gregory L.},
doi = {10.1017/s0020818319000171},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Smith - 2019 - Secret but Constrained The Impact of Elite Opposition on Covert Operations.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818319},
issn = {0020-8183},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {03},
pages = {685--707},
title = {{Secret but Constrained: The Impact of Elite Opposition on Covert Operations}},
volume = {73},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Kalyanpur2019a,
abstract = {States with large markets routinely compete with one another to shield domestic regulatory policies from global pressure, export their rules to other jurisdictions, and provide their firms with competitive advantages. Most arguments about market power tend to operationalize the concept in economic terms. In this paper, we argue that a state's ability to leverage or block these adjustment pressures is not only conditioned by their relative economic position but also by the political institutions that govern their markets. Specifically, we expect that where a state chooses to draw jurisdictional boundaries over markets directly shapes its global influence. When a state expands its jurisdiction, harmonizing rules across otherwise distinct subnational or national markets, for example, it can curtail a rival's authority. We test the theory by assessing how changes in internal governance within the European Union altered firm behavior in response to US extraterritorial pressure. Empirically, we examine foreign firm delisting decisions from US stock markets after the adoption of the Sarbanes-Oxley accounting legislation. The act, which included an exogenous compliance shock, follows the harmonization of stock market governance across various European jurisdictions. Econometric analysis of firm-level data illustrates that EU-based companies, which benefited from jurisdictional expansion, were substantially more likely to leave the American market and avoid adjustment pressures. Our findings contribute to debates on the role of political institutions in economic statecraft and suggest the conditions under which future regulatory conflicts will arise between status quo and rising economic powers.},
author = {Kalyanpur, Nikhil and Newman, Abraham L.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818318000334},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kalyanpur, Newman - 2019 - Mobilizing Market Power Jurisdictional Expansion as Economic Statecraft.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {1--34},
title = {{Mobilizing Market Power: Jurisdictional Expansion as Economic Statecraft}},
volume = {73},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Dietrich2015a,
abstract = {In response to corruption and inefficient state institutions in recipient countries, some foreign aid donors outsource the delivery of aid to nonstate development actors. Other donor governments continue to support state management of aid, seeking to strengthen recipient states. These cross-donor differences can be attributed in large measure to different national orientations about the appropriate role of the state in public service delivery. Countries that place a high premium on market efficiency (for example, the United States, United Kingdom, Sweden) will outsource aid delivery in poorly governed recipient countries to improve the likelihood that aid reaches the intended beneficiaries of services. In contrast, states whose political economies emphasize a strong state in service provision (for example, France, Germany, Japan) continue to support state provision. This argument is borne out by a variety of tests, including statistical analysis of dyadic time-series cross-section aid allocation data and individual-level survey data on a cross-national sample of senior foreign aid officials. To understand different aid policies, one needs to understand the political economies of donors.},
author = {Dietrich, Simone},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818315000302},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dietrich - 2015 - Donor Political Economies and the Pursuit of Aid Effectiveness.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {65--102},
title = {{Donor Political Economies and the Pursuit of Aid Effectiveness}},
volume = {70},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Carter2014b,
abstract = {Democracies are more supportive of US positions on important votes in the UN General Assembly than of nondemocracies. Is this because democracies share common perspectives, or does this pattern reflect coercion? Since 1985, US law has stipulated that the US State Department identify important votes and that aid disbursements reflect voting decisions. To unravel these alternative explanations, we introduce a strategic statistical model that allows us to estimate voting preferences, vulnerability to influence, and credibility of linkage, which are theoretical quantities of interest that are not directly observable. The results reject the hypothesis of shared democratic values: poor democracies have voting preferences that are more oppositional to US positions than autocracies, and they are more willing than autocracies to take symbolic stands that may cost them foreign aid. Democracies support US positions, however, because US aid linkages are more credible when directed toward democratic countries. Splitting the sample into Cold War and post-Cold War segments, we find that the end of the Cold War changed the way US linkage strategies treated allies and left-and right-leaning governments, but the effects of democracy remained constant.},
author = {Carter, David B. and Stone, Randall W.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818314000186},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carter, Stone - 2014 - Democracy and multilateralism The case of vote buying in the un general assembly.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {1--33},
title = {{Democracy and multilateralism: The case of vote buying in the un general assembly}},
volume = {69},
year = {2014}
}
@inproceedings{Jensen2018d,
abstract = {International relations scholarship has made great progress on the study of compliance with international agreements. While persuasive, most of this work has focused on states' de jure compliance decisions, largely excluding the de facto behavior of nonstate actors whose actions the agreement hopes to constrain. Of particular interest has been whether the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention (ABC) might reduce the propensity of multinational corporations (MNCs) to bribe officials in host countries through its mechanisms of extraterritoriality and extensive peer review. Unfortunately, research is hampered by reporting bias. Since the convention raises the probability of investors' punishment for bribery in their home countries, it reduces both the incentives for bribery and willingness to admit to the activity. This generates uncertainty over which of these incentives drives any correlation between signing the convention and reductions in reported bribery. We address this problem by employing a specialized survey experiment that shields respondents and reduces reporting bias. We find that after the onset of Phase 3 in 2010, when the risk of noncompliance increased for firms subject to the OECD-ABC, those MNCs reduced their actual bribery relative to their nonsignatory competitors.},
author = {Jensen, Nathan M. and Malesky, Edmund J.},
booktitle = {International Organization},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818317000443},
issn = {15315088},
title = {{Nonstate Actors and Compliance with International Agreements: An Empirical Analysis of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Thompson2019,
abstract = {More than 3,000 international investment agreements (IIAs) provide foreign investors with substantive protections in host states and access to binding investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). In recent years, states increasingly have sought to change their treaty commitments through the practices of renegotiation and termination, so far affecting about 300 IIAs. The received wisdom is that this development reflects a “backlash” against the regime and an attempt by governments to reclaim sovereignty, consistent with broader antiglobalization trends. Using new data on the degree to which IIA provisions restrict state regulatory space (SRS), we provide the first systematic investigation into the effect of ISDS experiences on state decisions to adjust their treaties. The empirical analysis indicates that exposure to investment claims leads either to the renegotiation of IIAs in the direction of greater SRS or to their termination. This effect varies, however, with the nature of involvement in ISDS and with respect to different treaty provisions.},
author = {Thompson, Alexander and Broude, Tomer and Haftel, Yoram Z.},
doi = {10.1017/s0020818319000195},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thompson, Broude, Haftel - 2019 - Once Bitten, Twice Shy Investment Disputes, State Sovereignty, and Change in Treaty Design(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thompson, Broude, Haftel - 2019 - Once Bitten, Twice Shy Investment Disputes, State Sovereignty, and Change in Treaty Design.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818319},
issn = {0020-8183},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
pages = {1--22},
title = {{Once Bitten, Twice Shy? Investment Disputes, State Sovereignty, and Change in Treaty Design}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Osgood2018a,
abstract = {From 1960 to 2000, manufacturing supply chains became global. To what extent has this growth in offshore outsourcing and foreign direct investment affected industrial attitudes toward trade liberalization? Using data on public positions of US firms and trade associations on all free trade agreements since 1990, I show that foreign direct investment (FDI) and input sourcing are the primary drivers of support for trade liberalization. Direct import competition and export opportunities play a secondary role in shaping support for free trade agreements. This work therefore adds to the literature on the politics of globalization by providing systematic evidence of a link between global supply chains and industrial preferences, and by developing a new model of the determinants of industrial attitudes toward trade.},
author = {Osgood, Iain},
doi = {10.1017/S002081831800005X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osgood - 2018 - Globalizing the Supply Chain Firm and Industrial Support for US Trade Agreements(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osgood - 2018 - Globalizing the Supply Chain Firm and Industrial Support for US Trade Agreements.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {455--484},
title = {{Globalizing the Supply Chain: Firm and Industrial Support for US Trade Agreements}},
volume = {72},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Arel-Bundock2017a,
abstract = {The international tax system is a complex regime composed of thousands of bilateral tax treaties. These agreements coordinate policies between countries to avoid double taxation and encourage international investment. I argue that by solving this coordination problem on a bilateral basis, states have inadvertently created opportunities for treaty shopping by multinationals. These opportunities, in turn, reduce the potency of fiscal policy, put pressure on governments to change their domestic tax laws, and ultimately constrain state autonomy. This constraint is theoretically distinct from the usual race-to-the-bottom story and it generates different testable implications. I use a motivating case study to show how multinationals leverage the structure of the treaty network to reduce their tax burden. Then, I develop a new measure of treaty-shopping opportunities for firms in 164 countries. Where the proliferation of tax treaties allows multinationals to engage in treaty shopping, states' fiscal autonomy is limited, and governments tend to maintain lower tax rates.},
author = {Arel-Bundock, Vincent},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818317000108},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Arel-Bundock - 2017 - The Unintended Consequences of Bilateralism Treaty Shopping and International Tax Policy(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Arel-Bundock - 2017 - The Unintended Consequences of Bilateralism Treaty Shopping and International Tax Policy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,foreign direct investment,global value chains,international tax regime,regulation,treaty design},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment,global value chains,international tax regime,regulation,treaty design},
number = {2},
pages = {349--371},
title = {{The Unintended Consequences of Bilateralism: Treaty Shopping and International Tax Policy}},
volume = {71},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Pelc2017,
abstract = {The treatment of foreign investment has become the most controversial issue in global governance. At the center of the controversy lies the mechanism of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), which allows private firms legal recourse against governments if government interference has degraded their investment. Using newly released data covering 742 investment disputes, I assess some of the central claims about ISDS. I argue that the regime has indeed undergone an important shift: a majority of claims today deal not with direct takings by low-rule-of-law countries, but with regulation in democratic states. Such indirect expropriation claims have seen a precipitous decrease in their odds of legal success over the past twenty years. They are also far less likely to result in early settlement. These parallel trends may be a result of a rise in strategic litigation by investors whose aim is not only to obtain compensation but also to deter governments' regulatory ambitions.},
author = {Pelc, Krzysztof J.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818317000212},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pelc - 2017 - What explains the low success rate of investor-state disputes(3).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pelc - 2017 - What explains the low success rate of investor-state disputes(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,foreign direct investment,indirect expropriation,investor-state dispute settlement},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment,indirect expropriation,investor-state dispute settlement},
number = {3},
pages = {559--583},
title = {{What explains the low success rate of investor-state disputes?}},
volume = {71},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Christensen2019a,
abstract = {Foreign investment in Africa's mineral resources has increased dramatically. This paper addresses three questions raised by this trend: do commercial mining investments increase the likelihood of social or armed conflict? If so, when are these disputes most prevalent? And, finally, what mechanisms help explain these conflicts? I show, first, that mining has contrasting effects on social and armed conflict: while the probability of protests or riots increases (roughly doubling) after mining starts, there is no increase in rebel activity. Second, I show that the probability of social conflict rises with plausibly exogenous increases in world commodity prices. Finally, I compile additional geo-spatial and survey data to explore potential mechanisms, including reporting bias, environmental harm, in-migration, inequality, and governance. Finding little evidence consistent with these accounts, I develop an explanation related to incomplete information - a common cause of conflict in industrial and international relations. This mechanism rationalizes why mining induces protest, why these conflicts are exacerbated by rising prices, and why transparency dampens the relationship between prices and protest.},
author = {Christensen, Darin},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818318000413},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Christensen - 2019 - Concession Stands How Mining Investments Incite Protest in Africa(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Christensen - 2019 - Concession Stands How Mining Investments Incite Protest in Africa.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {65--101},
title = {{Concession Stands: How Mining Investments Incite Protest in Africa}},
volume = {73},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Jensen2015a,
abstract = {We apply insights from "new, new" trade theory to explain a puzzling decline in US firm antidumping (AD) filings in an era of persistent foreign currency undervaluations and increasing import competition. Firms exhibit heterogeneity both within and across industries regarding foreign direct investment (FDI). We propose that firms making vertical or resource-seeking investments abroad will be less likely to file AD petitions, and firms are likely to undertake vertical FDI in the context of currency undervaluation. Hence, we argue, the increasing vertical FDI of US firms makes trade disputes far less likely. We use firm-level data to examine the universe of US manufacturing firms and find that AD filers generally conduct no intrafirm trade with filed-against countries. We also find that persistent currency undervaluation is associated over time with increased vertical FDI and intrafirm trade by US multinational corporations (MNCs) in the undervaluing country. Among larger US MNCs, the likelihood of an AD filing is negatively associated with increases in intrafirm trade. In the context of currency undervaluation, we confirm the existing finding that undervaluation is associated with more AD filings. We also find, however, that high levels of intrafirm imports from countries with undervalued currencies significantly decrease the likelihood of AD filings. Our study highlights the centrality of firm heterogeneity in international trade and investment in understanding political mobilization over international economic policy.},
author = {Jensen, J. Bradford and Quinn, Dennis P. and Weymouth, Stephen},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818315000247},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jensen, Quinn, Weymouth - 2015 - The Influence of Firm Global Supply Chains and Foreign Currency Undervaluations on US Trade Disputes(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jensen, Quinn, Weymouth - 2015 - The Influence of Firm Global Supply Chains and Foreign Currency Undervaluations on US Trade Disputes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {913--947},
title = {{The Influence of Firm Global Supply Chains and Foreign Currency Undervaluations on US Trade Disputes}},
volume = {69},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Bapat2014a,
abstract = {Although a considerable literature identifies the conditions under which sanctions are more likely to be successful, few studies examine the question of when sanctioning states or senders are willing to enforce their sanctions laws against their firms. Using a game theoretic model, we argue that imposing sanctions creates a strategic dilemma for senders. We demonstrate that senders often have disincentives to enforce their sanctions policies, given that the restriction on economic transactions with targeted states may undermine their firms' competitiveness. The model indicates that sanctions are more likely to succeed when the sender's firm retains a moderate share of the target's market relative to its foreign competitors. However, the model also demonstrates that sanctions are likely to be imposed only when the conditions do not favor their success. The empirical implications of the model are tested using the Threat and Imposition of Economic Sanctions (TIES) data set.},
author = {Bapat, Navin A. and Kwon, Bo Ram},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818314000290},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bapat, Kwon - 2014 - When are sanctions effective A bargaining and enforcement framework(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bapat, Kwon - 2014 - When are sanctions effective A bargaining and enforcement framework.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,bilateral trade,economic sanctions,enforcement,sender firms},
mendeley-tags = {bilateral trade,economic sanctions,enforcement,sender firms},
number = {1},
pages = {131--162},
title = {{When are sanctions effective? A bargaining and enforcement framework}},
volume = {69},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Hahm2019a,
abstract = {What type of trade agreement is the public willing to accept? Instead of focusing on individual concerns about market access and trade barriers, we argue that specific treaty design and, in particular, the characteristics of the dispute settlement mechanism, play a critical role in shaping public support for trade agreements. To examine this theoretical expectation, we conduct a conjoint experiment that varies diverse treaty-design elements and estimate preferences over multiple dimensions of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) based on a nationally representative sample in Germany. We find that compared to other alternatives, private arbitration, known as investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), generates strong opposition to the trade agreement. As the single most important factor, this effect of dispute settlement characteristic is strikingly large and consistent across individuals' key attributes, including skill levels, information, and national sentiment, among others.},
author = {Hahm, Hyeonho and K{\"{o}}nig, Thomas and Osnabr{\"{u}}gge, Moritz and Frech, Elena},
doi = {10.1017/s0020818319000249},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hahm et al. - 2019 - Who Settles Disputes Treaty Design and Trade Attitudes Toward the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hahm et al. - 2019 - Who Settles Disputes Treaty Design and Trade Attitudes Toward the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818319},
issn = {0020-8183},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,domestic politics,investor-state dispute settlement,treaty design},
mendeley-tags = {domestic politics,investor-state dispute settlement,treaty design},
pages = {1--20},
title = {{Who Settles Disputes? Treaty Design and Trade Attitudes Toward the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP)}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Peters2014,
abstract = {This article argues that immigration policy formation in the United States after 1950 can only be understood in the context of the increasing integration of world markets. Increasing trade openness has exposed firms that rely on immigrant labor to foreign competition and increased the likelihood that these firms fail. Increasing openness by other states to foreign direct investment (FDI) allowed these same firms to move production overseas. Firms' choices to close their doors or to move overseas decrease their need for labor at home, leading them to spend their political capital on issues other than immigration. Their lack of support for open immigration, in turn, allows policymakers to restrict immigration. An examination of voting behavior on immigration in the US Senate shows that the integration of world capital and goods markets has had an important effect on the politics of immigration in the United States and shows little support for existing theories of immigration policy formation. In addition to increasing one's understanding of immigration policy, this article sheds light on how trade openness and firms' choice of production location can affect their preference for other foreign economic policies as well as domestic policies such as labor, welfare, and environmental policies.},
author = {Peters, Margaret E.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818314000150},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Peters - 2014 - Trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration policy making in the United States.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Peters - 2014 - Trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration policy making in the United States(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {811--844},
title = {{Trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration policy making in the United States}},
volume = {68},
year = {2014}
}
@book{Doshi2019a,
abstract = {We argue that the World Bank has successfully marshaled the Ease of Doing Business (EDB) Index to amass considerable influence over business regulations worldwide. The Ease of Doing is a global performance indicator (GPI), and GPIs—especially those that rate and rank states against one another—are intended to package information to influence the views of an audience important to the target, such as foreign investors or voters, thus generating pressures that induce a change in the target's behavior. The World Bank has succeeded in shaping the global regulatory environment even though the bank has no explicit mandate over regulatory policy and despite questions about EDB accuracy and required policy tradeoffs. We show that the EDB has a dominating market share among business climate indicators. We then use media analyses and observational data to show that EDB has motivated state regulatory shifts. States respond to being publicly ranked and some restructure bureaucracies accordingly. Next we explore plausible influence channels for the EDB ranking and use an experiment involving US portfolio managers to build on existing economics research and examine whether the rankings influence investor sentiment within the experiment. Using a case study of India's multiyear interagency effort to rise in the EDB rankings, as well as its decision to create subnational EDB rankings, we bring the strands of the argument together by showing how politicians see the ranking as affecting domestic politics, altering investor sentiment, and engaging bureaucratic reputation. Overall, a wide variety of evidence converges to illustrate the pressures through which the World Bank has used state rankings to achieve its vision of regulatory reform.},
author = {Doshi, Rush and Kelley, Judith G. and Simmons, Beth A.},
booktitle = {International Organization},
doi = {10.1017/s0020818319000158},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Doshi, Kelley, Simmons - 2019 - The Power of Ranking The Ease of Doing Business Indicator and Global Regulatory Behavior.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Doshi, Kelley, Simmons - 2019 - The Power of Ranking The Ease of Doing Business Indicator and Global Regulatory Behavior(2).pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818319},
issn = {0020-8183},
keywords = {,ease of doing business index,foreign portfolio investment,global regulatory environment},
mendeley-tags = {ease of doing business index,foreign portfolio investment,global regulatory environment},
number = {03},
pages = {611--643},
title = {{The Power of Ranking: The Ease of Doing Business Indicator and Global Regulatory Behavior}},
volume = {73},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Wellhausen2019,
abstract = {One goal of the law is to provide a means to return disputing parties to cooperation. The prevailing expectation is that international investment law largely does not do this; rather, an aggrieved foreign investor sues the host state as a last resort and divests. I use a new database of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) arbitrations and firm-level bilateral investment to show that, in fact, claimant investors reinvest in the host state at least 31 percent of the time (between 1990 and 2015). Among investors who file for arbitration, and controlling for sector, important correlates of reinvestment include the claimant's legal strategy; the extent of the claimant's grievance and success; and the incidence of post-arbitration litigation. Despite unique aspects of its institutional design, the de facto international investment regime can help solve host state time-inconsistency problems consistent with standard expectations of law. Whether the probability of reinvestment is high enough to reinforce host state commitments to this controversial regime is an open question.},
author = {Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818319000225},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wellhausen - 2019 - International Investment Law and Foreign Direct Reinvestment(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wellhausen - 2019 - International Investment Law and Foreign Direct Reinvestment.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818319},
issn = {0020-8183},
journal = {International Organization},
month = {oct},
number = {4},
pages = {839--858},
title = {{International Investment Law and Foreign Direct Reinvestment}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0020818319000225/type/journal{\_}article},
volume = {73},
year = {2019}
}
@book{Haftel2013a,
abstract = {Some treaties are signed and then ratified quickly while others languish in legal limbo, unratified by one or more parties. What explains this variation in the time between signature and ratification? The international relations literature has not taken the ratification stage seriously enough, despite its obvious importance from a legal and a political perspective. We offer a systematic study of this question in the context of bilateral investment treaties. We develop and test a set of theoretical propositions related to domestic-level constraints on the executive, the varying ability of governments to rationally anticipate ratification obstacles, and the bilateral relationship between treaty partners. We generally find support for these propositions but report some surprising findings as well. The article presents implications for investment agreements and treaty making more generally, and raises a number of issues for further study at the intersection of international politics and law. {\textcopyright} 2013 The IO Foundation.},
author = {Haftel, Yoram Z. and Thompson, Alexander},
booktitle = {International Organization},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818313000052},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Haftel, Thompson - 2013 - Delayed ratification The domestic fate of bilateral investment treaties(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Haftel, Thompson - 2013 - Delayed ratification The domestic fate of bilateral investment treaties.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818313000},
issn = {00208183},
keywords = {,bilateral investment treaties,foreign direct investment,investment agreements,ratification},
mendeley-tags = {bilateral investment treaties,foreign direct investment,investment agreements,ratification},
number = {2},
pages = {355--387},
title = {{Delayed ratification: The domestic fate of bilateral investment treaties}},
volume = {67},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Brooks2013a,
abstract = {Political scientists and economists have long been interested in the role of special interests in the policymaking process. In the past few years, a series of important new books have argued forcefully that the lobbying activities of economic actors have an important influence on the prospects for war and peace. All of these analyses claim that whether economic actors enhance or decrease the likelihood of conflict ultimately depends on the domestic political balance between economic actors who have a strong vested interest in pushing for peace versus those that do not. I advance two contrary arguments. At least among the advanced states, I posit there are no longer any economic actors who will be favorable toward war and who will lobby the government with this preference. All of the identified mechanisms that previously contributed to such lobbying in these states have been swept away with the end of colonialism and the rise of economic globalization. In particular, I show that the current structure of the global economy now makes it feasible for foreign direct investment to serve as an effective substitute for conquest in a way that was not possible in previous eras. My second argument concerns those economic actors in advanced states with a preference for peace. I posit that it has become unnecessary for them to directly lobby the government to avoid war on economic grounds because economic globalization - the accumulation of decisions by economic actors throughout the globe - now has sufficiently clear economic incentives for leaders.},
author = {Brooks, Stephen G.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818313000283},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brooks - 2013 - Economic actors' lobbying influence on the prospects for war and peace.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brooks - 2013 - Economic actors' lobbying influence on the prospects for war and peace(2).pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818313000},
issn = {00208183},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {,foreign direct investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign direct investment},
number = {4},
pages = {863--888},
title = {{Economic actors' lobbying influence on the prospects for war and peace}},
volume = {67},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Brutger2018a,
abstract = {Politicians frequently turn to reputational arguments to bolster support for their proposed foreign policies. Yet despite the prevailing belief that domestic audiences care about reputation, there is very little direct evidence that publics care about reputation costs, and very little understanding of how. We propose a dispositional theory of reputation costs in which citizens facing ill-defined strategic situations turn to their core predispositions about foreign affairs in order to weigh competing reputational dimensions. Employing a diverse array of methodological tools - from vignette-based survey experiments to automated text analysis - we show that the mass public has a taste for reputation, but understands it in fundamentally different ways, with hawks concerned about the negative reputational consequences of inconsistency, and doves equally concerned with the negative reputational consequences of belligerence and interventionism. In illustrating how reputation costs are in our heads, our findings offer both good and bad news for theories of reputation in IR.},
author = {Brutger, Ryan and Kertzer, Joshua D.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818318000188},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brutger, Kertzer - 2018 - A dispositional theory of reputation costs.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
number = {3},
pages = {693--724},
title = {{A dispositional theory of reputation costs}},
volume = {72},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Betz2016a,
abstract = {Why and when do developing countries file trade disputes at the World Trade Organization (WTO)? Although financial conditions have long been considered an important driver of trade policy, they have been largely absent from the literature on trade disputes. We argue that developing country governments bring more trade dispute to the WTO when overvalued real exchange rates put exporters at a competitive disadvantage. This dynamic is most prevalent in countries where large foreign currency debt burdens discourage nominal currency devaluations that would otherwise serve exporters' interests. Our findings provide an explanation for differences in dispute participation rates among developing countries, and also suggest a new link between exchange rate regimes and trade policy.},
author = {Betz, Timm and Kerner, Andrew},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818316000278},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Betz, Kerner - 2016 - Real Exchange Rate Overvaluation and WTO Dispute Initiation in Developing Countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {4},
pages = {797--821},
title = {{Real Exchange Rate Overvaluation and WTO Dispute Initiation in Developing Countries}},
volume = {70},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Beber2013a,
abstract = {Why do armed groups recruit large numbers of children as fighters, often coercively? The international community has tried to curb these crimes by shaming and punishing leaders who commit them-in short, making the crimes costlier. Are these policies effective and sufficient? The answer lies in more attention to the strategic interaction between rebel leaders and recruits. We adapt theories of industrial organization to rebellious groups and show how, being less able fighters, children are attractive recruits if and only if they are easier to intimidate, indoctrinate, and misinform than adults. This ease of manipulation interacts with the costliness of war crimes to influence rebel leaders' incentives to coerce children into war. We use a case study and a novel survey of former child recruits in Uganda to illustrate this argument and provide hard evidence not only that children are more easily manipulated in war, but also how-something often asserted but never demonstrated. Our theory, as well as a new cross-rebel data set, also support the idea that costliness matters: foreign governments, international organizations, diasporas, and local populations can discourage child recruitment by withholding resources or punishing offenders (or, conversely, encourage these crimes by failing to act). But punishing war crimes has limitations, and can only take us so far. Children's reintegration opportunities must be at least as great as adults' (something that demobilization programs sometimes fail to do). Also, indoctrination and misinformation can be directly influenced. We observe grassroots innovations in Uganda that could be models for the prevention and curbing of child soldiering and counterinsurgency generally. {\textcopyright} 2013 The IO Foundation.},
author = {Beber, Bernd and Blattman, Christopher},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818312000409},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beber, Blattman - 2013 - The logic of child soldiering and coercion.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00208183},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {65--104},
title = {{The logic of child soldiering and coercion}},
volume = {67},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Fordham2019a,
abstract = {The United States' 1890-91 decision to begin building a battleship fleet, an important point in its development as a world power, can illuminate the domestic sources of foreign policy ambition. An analysis of roll-call votes in the House of Representatives indicates that socioeconomic divisions arising from industrialization strongly influenced support and opposition to the battleship fleet. This relationship worked mainly through trade policy interests: members of Congress from import-competing states tended to support the effort, while those from export-oriented states tended to oppose it. The patriotic symbolism of battleships at a time of labor unrest also helped motivate support for the program, though evidence of this pattern is less conclusive. Although party affiliation was crucial, it was also partly a function of economic structure, which shaped the two parties' electoral fortunes. The impact of trade interests during this period is a mirror image of what previous research has found concerning the post-World War II era, when export-oriented interests tended to support American global activism and import-competing interests to oppose it. The reason for the difference is the Republican Party's commitment to trade protection, which strongly influenced both the goals of the policy and the identity of its supporters.},
author = {Fordham, Benjamin O.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818318000449},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fordham - 2019 - The Domestic Politics of World Power Explaining Debates over the United States Battleship Fleet, 1890-91.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {2},
pages = {435--468},
title = {{The Domestic Politics of World Power: Explaining Debates over the United States Battleship Fleet, 1890-91}},
volume = {73},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Lee2018a,
abstract = {Why do some countries fail to govern their territory? Incomplete domestic sovereignty, defined as the absence of effective state authority over territory, has severe consequences in terms of security, order, economic growth, and human well-being. These negative consequences raise the question of why such spaces remain without effective authority. While the international relations literature suggests that state weakness persists because of an absence of war and the comparative politics literature treats political underdevelopment as the consequence of domestic factors that raise the costs of exercising authority, these views are incomplete. I argue that hostile neighbors weaken state authority over territory through a strategy of foreign interference. Foreign interference in domestic sovereignty is a powerful instrument of statecraft that can yield domestic and foreign policy benefits. I investigate the effects of hostile neighboring states through a cross-national, within-country statistical analysis utilizing a novel indicator of state authority, and pair this analysis with a qualitative case study of Malaysian subversion of the Philippines in the 1970s. Together, this evidence shows how this international factor is an underappreciated yet important contributor to weak state authority even after accounting for domestic factors. The study's conclusions challenge our understanding of the effects of international politics on internal political development.},
author = {Lee, Melissa M.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818318000085},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lee - 2018 - The International Politics of Incomplete Sovereignty How Hostile Neighbors Weaken the State.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {2},
pages = {283--315},
title = {{The International Politics of Incomplete Sovereignty: How Hostile Neighbors Weaken the State}},
volume = {72},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Weiss2013a,
abstract = {How can authoritarian states credibly signal their intentions in international crises? Nationalist, antiforeign protests are one mechanism by which authoritarian leaders can visibly demonstrate their domestic vulnerability. Because protests in authoritarian states are risky and costly to repress, the decision to allow or stifle popular mobilization is informative. The threat of instability demonstrates resolve, and the cost of concession increases the credibility of a tough stance. The danger of instability and escalation increases foreign incentives to make concessions and preserve the status quo. This logic helps explain the pattern of authoritarian tolerance and repression toward nationalist protest. A case study of two U.S.-China crises shows how China's management of anti-American protests affected U.S. beliefs about Chinese resolve. {\textcopyright} 2013 The IO Foundation.},
author = {Weiss, Jessica Chen},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818312000380},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weiss - 2013 - Authoritarian signaling, mass audiences, and nationalist protest in China.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00208183},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {1--35},
title = {{Authoritarian signaling, mass audiences, and nationalist protest in China}},
volume = {67},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Grynaviski2015a,
abstract = {International arbitration is a distinctive feature of both contemporary international politics and the ancient world. Explanations of arbitration in the international relations literature generally posit that states engage in arbitration to mitigate the effects of competition in an anarchical system, or that the practice of arbitration reflects democratic norms. However, an examination of arbitration during the paradigmatic case of the Hellenistic period (338-90 BCE) casts doubt on the existing literature. Hierarchy rather than anarchy better characterizes the political context in which arbitration took place: the Greeks often organized themselves into alliances or leagues in which a hegemon dominated decision making, or into federal states with a common foreign policy. This hierarchical setting was a necessary condition for international arbitration where the practice of arbitration was a tool to legitimize hierarchical powers. We assemble an original data set of Hellenistic arbitrations, and use qualitative comparative analysis to show that hierarchy was almost always a necessary condition for international arbitration. Process-tracing of arbitration under three political orders - hegemonic kingdoms in the Greek world, Greek federations, and the Roman Empire - shows that arbitration as a particular means of dispute resolution was used as an ideological device to build and legitimize international order. We then analyze the contemporary record, finding a role for hierarchy in modern international arbitration.},
author = {Grynaviski, Eric and Hsieh, Amy},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818315000090},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Grynaviski, Hsieh - 2015 - Hierarchy and Judicial Institutions Arbitration and Ideology in the Hellenistic World.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {3},
pages = {697--729},
title = {{Hierarchy and Judicial Institutions: Arbitration and Ideology in the Hellenistic World}},
volume = {69},
year = {2015}
}
@book{Bisbee2019a,
abstract = {Precise international metrics and assessments may induce governments to alter policies in pursuit of more favorable assessments according to these metrics. In this paper, we explore a secondary effect of global performance indicators (GPIs). Insofar as governments have finite resources and make trade-offs in public goods investments, a GPI that precisely targets the provision of a particular public good may cause governments to substitute away from the provision of other, related, public goods. We argue that both the main effect of the GPI (on the measured public good) and this substitution effect vary systematically based on the domestic political institutions and informational environments of targeted states. Specifically, we contend that both the main and substitution effects of GPIs should be largest for governments that are least accountable (opaque and nondemocratic) and should be smallest for those that are most accountable. We illustrate the logic of these arguments using a formal model and test these claims using data on primary and secondary enrollment rates across 114 countries. We find that countries substitute toward primary education enrollment rates (which is targeted by the Millennium Development Goals) and away from secondary (which is not), and that these effects are mitigated as accountability rises.},
author = {Bisbee, James H. and Hollyer, James R. and Rosendorff, B. Peter and Vreeland, James Raymond},
booktitle = {International Organization},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818319000109},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bisbee et al. - 2019 - The Millennium Development Goals and Education Accountability and Substitution in Global Assessment.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818319},
issn = {15315088},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
pages = {547--578},
title = {{The Millennium Development Goals and Education: Accountability and Substitution in Global Assessment}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Barry2015,
abstract = {Scholarship on the determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI) flows has produced valuable insights into the role of host state characteristics and home-host relations. This study draws attention to another factor in investment decisions—the political and economic relations that home and host states maintain with third-party states. More narrowly, we focus on how investors respond to their home-state's imposition of economic sanctions against a trading partner. Greater economic integration has allowed states to use economic sanctions more frequently in recent decades. At the same time, economic sanctions are thought to have a distorting effect on global trade and financial flows as firms and governments adjust to new constraints. We argue that as firms at home in the sanctioning state respond to coercive measures against a trading partner by looking for alternative sources of profit, they will shift investments to states that can provide indirect access to the sanctioned economy. In particular, those states that are perceived as prospective sanctions-busters—major trading partners of the sanctions target or states with a history of sanctions-busting behavior—will benefit disproportion ately from the misfortune of others. We test this conjecture using data on US economic sanctions and global flows of US FDI from 1966 to 2000. The findings reveal that investor decision making in part responds to political developments beyond the home-host dyad.},
author = {Barry, Colin M and Kleinberg, Katja B},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barry, Kleinberg - 2015 - Profiting from Sanctions Economic Coercion and US Foreign Direct Investment in Third- Party States.pdf:pdf},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {4},
pages = {881--912},
title = {{Profiting from Sanctions: Economic Coercion and US Foreign Direct Investment in Third- Party States}},
volume = {69},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Steinwand2015a,
abstract = {Donor proliferation and the fragmentation of aid delivery is an important problem besetting foreign aid policy. Increased donor coordination is widely seen as a fix to this problem. This article explores theoretically and empirically the collective action problems and incentives that donors face when coordinating their actions, based on the distinction between private and public goods properties of aid. I introduce the concept of lead donorship, develop a measure that accounts for the exclusive and long-lasting ties between a lead donor and a recipient country, and show that lead donorship is in long-term decline. I test my theory combining spatial autoregressive (SAR) models, nonparametric model discrimination techniques, and data on aid delivery channels. I recover evidence of collusion in the provision of private goods aid in the presence of a lead donor, and lack of coordination and competition in the absence of a lead donor.},
author = {Steinwand, Martin C.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818314000381},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Steinwand - 2015 - Compete or Coordinate Aid Fragmentation and Lead Donorship.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {2},
pages = {443--472},
title = {{Compete or Coordinate? Aid Fragmentation and Lead Donorship}},
volume = {69},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Asal2014a,
abstract = {Existing literature on contentious political movements has generally focused on domestic political activity. Using the new Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior-Middle East data set (MAROB-ME), which contains organization-level data for 104 ethnopolitical organizations in the Middle East and North Africa, we analyze the decision of both violent and nonviolent organizations to engage in political activity transnationally. Among the results, we find that diaspora support is associated with transnational nonviolent protest, whereas foreign state support and domestic repression increase the use of transnational violence. The most robust finding, however, is that participation in the domestic electoral process consistently reduces the likelihood that an organization will engage in any political activity abroad.},
author = {Asal, Victor and Conrad, Justin and White, Peter},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818314000228},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Asal, Conrad, White - 2014 - Going abroad Transnational solicitation and contention by ethnopolitical organizations.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {4},
pages = {945--978},
title = {{Going abroad: Transnational solicitation and contention by ethnopolitical organizations}},
volume = {68},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kreutz2014a,
abstract = {Is foreign policy influenced by humanitarian concerns, or are concepts such as human security merely rhetoric for traditional power politics? Using a multilevel modeling technique and a unique data set of military and economic European Union (EU) intervention 1989-2008, I find that military and economic interventions by the EU are conducted in response to humanitarian atrocities but that geostrategic concerns also influence EU action. While the EU consistently is more likely to act against countries with greater civilian victimization, the size of the effect is influenced by spatial considerations. The EU is most attentive to human rights violations in non-EU European states, followed by countries in sub-Saharan Africa, while it has been least active in Asia and the Americas.},
author = {Kreutz, Joakim},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818314000368},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kreutz - 2014 - Human rights, geostrategy, and eu foreign policy, 1989-2008.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {195--217},
title = {{Human rights, geostrategy, and eu foreign policy, 1989-2008}},
volume = {69},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Briggs2017a,
abstract = {To examine the extent to which foreign aid reaches people at different levels of wealth in Africa, I use household surveys to measure the subnational distribution of a country's population by wealth quintiles and match this information to data on the location of aid projects from two multilateral donors. Within countries, aid disproportionately flows to regions with more of the richest people. Aid does not favor regions with more of the poorest people. These findings violate the stated preferences of the multilateral donors under study, suggesting that the donors either cannot or are not willing to exercise control over the location of aid projects within countries. The results also suggest that aid is not being allocated effectively to alleviate extreme poverty.},
author = {Briggs, Ryan C.},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818316000345},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Briggs - 2017 - Does Foreign Aid Target the Poorest.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {1},
pages = {187--206},
title = {{Does Foreign Aid Target the Poorest?}},
volume = {71},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Wilf2016b,
abstract = {Financial regulatory networks are a pervasive new type of global governance heralded by some as a flexible answer to globalization dilemmas and dismissed by others as ineffective because of weak enforcement mechanisms. Whether regulatory network agreements provide global public goods or private goods for certain states' firms is a second debated issue. This article adjudicates among competing perspectives by examining whether Basel III, an international agreement about bank capital minimums negotiated by the bank regulatory network in 2009 and 2010, was viewed as credible and affecting regulated US firms. I use stock returns to measure investors' perceptions, and an event study methodology to test whether regulated banks' observed stock returns significantly differ from expected stock returns on days when new information about Basel III becomes available. If the agreement is viewed as credible and affecting firm value, banks' stock returns will deviate from expectations. The direction of any deviation indicates whether regulations benefit or hurt banks. Although the direction of effects is not uniform across events, I find that the initial stock return reaction and the net effect across all five events are negative, and of a similar magnitude as regulated foreign banks, indicating that US banks were harmed, and did not benefit from, the new international regulations. US banks experienced stock returns that differed from expectations, providing evidence that international regulatory network agreements are viewed as credible and tangibly affect firms independent of domestic implementation.},
author = {Wilf, Meredith},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818316000291},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wilf - 2016 - Credibility and Distributional Effects of International Banking Regulations Evidence from US Bank Stock Returns(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {4},
pages = {763--796},
title = {{Credibility and Distributional Effects of International Banking Regulations: Evidence from US Bank Stock Returns}},
volume = {70},
year = {2016}
}
@book{Blake2013c,
abstract = {International institutions help governments make credible commitments to other state and nonstate actors by raising the costs of commitment violation. However, in doing so these institutions generate sovereignty costs for national governments by constraining the autonomy they have to develop and implement policy. Governments respond to this trade-off between the credibility of commitments and policy autonomy differently depending on their time horizons and this shapes their preferences over the design of credibility-enhancing institutions. Governments with long time horizons expect to govern in the future, anticipate that conditions may shift over time, and therefore seek institutional designs that will afford them greater freedom to modify policies in response to changing economic and political conditions. Governments with shorter time horizons, on the other hand, do not anticipate being in power long into the future and therefore are less concerned about maintaining greater room to manipulate policy. I develop this argument in the context of bilateral investment treaties (BITs), focusing in particular on the legalization of obligation in national treatment commitments. I test the argument using an original data set of the design of national treatment obligations in a random sample of 342 BITs. I find that net importers of FDI with longer time horizons are more likely to build in greater policy autonomy in their BITs by scaling back the legalization of their national treatment obligations and that this relationship is robust to controlling for selection into investment treaties. Copyright {\textcopyright} The IO Foundation 2013 {\^{A}}.},
author = {Blake, Daniel J.},
booktitle = {International Organization},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818313000258},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blake - 2013 - Thinking Ahead Government time horizons and the legalization of international investment agreements.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0020818313000},
issn = {00208183},
number = {4},
pages = {797--827},
title = {{Thinking Ahead: Government time horizons and the legalization of international investment agreements}},
volume = {67},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Walter2018a,
abstract = {When popular referendums fail to ratify new international agreements or succeed in reversing existing ones, it not only affects domestic voters but also creates negative spillovers for the other parties to such agreements. We explore how voters respond to this strategic environment. We use original survey data from a poll fielded just one day before the 2015 Greek bailout referendum - a referendum in which the stakes for other countries were particularly high - to investigate how expectations about the likely foreign response to a noncooperative referendum outcome influence voting behavior and to what extent foreign policymakers can influence those expectations. Our analysis of the Greek referendum shows that such expectations had a powerful effect on voting behavior: voters expecting that a noncooperative referendum outcome would force Greece to leave the eurozone were substantially more likely to vote cooperatively than those believing that it would result in renewed negotiations with the country's creditors. Leveraging the bank closure that took place right before the vote, we also show that costly signals by foreign actors made voters more pessimistic about the consequences of a noncooperative vote and substantially increased the share of cooperative votes.},
author = {Walter, Stefanie and Dinas, Elias and Jurado, Ignacio and Konstantinidis, Nikitas},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818318000255},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Walter et al. - 2018 - Noncooperation by Popular Vote Expectations, Foreign Intervention, and the Vote in the 2015 Greek Bailout Referen.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {4},
pages = {969--994},
title = {{Noncooperation by Popular Vote: Expectations, Foreign Intervention, and the Vote in the 2015 Greek Bailout Referendum}},
volume = {72},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Gaibulloev2017a,
abstract = {Regime type has opposing effects on terrorism. If a regime constrains the executive branch, then terrorism may be more prevalent. If, however, a regime allows all viewpoints to be represented, then grievances may be held in check, resulting in less terrorism. Regimes that value constituents' lives and property will also act to limit attacks. We formulate a game-theoretic model, containing a terrorist group and targeted government, that captures these opposing forces and supports a nonlinear relationship between regime type and terrorism. This model indicates how diverse samples in the literature can result in different relationships between regime type and terrorism. Seldom does it support the positive relationship that is prevalent in the terrorism literature. We apply a large variety of empirical techniques to show that regime type has a robust inverted U-shaped impact on various terrorism measures. Foreign policy variables (e.g., alliance with the United States) are not a robust influence on terrorism.},
author = {Gaibulloev, Khusrav and Piazza, James A. and Sandler, Todd},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818317000169},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gaibulloev, Piazza, Sandler - 2017 - Regime types and terrorism.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {3},
pages = {491--522},
title = {{Regime types and terrorism}},
volume = {71},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Baccini2017a,
abstract = {While increasing trade and foreign direct investment, international trade agreements create winners and losers. Our paper examines the distributional consequences of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) at the firm level. We contend that PTAs expand trade among the largest and most productive multinationals by lowering preferential tariffs. We examine data covering the near universe of US foreign direct investment and disaggregated tariff data from PTAs signed by the United States. Our results indicate that US preferential tariffs increase sales to the United States from the most competitive subsidiaries of multinational corporations operating in partner countries. We also find increases in market concentration in partner countries following preferential liberalization with the United States. By demonstrating that the gains from preferential liberalization are unevenly distributed across firms, we shed new light on the firm-level, economic sources of political mobilization over international trade and investment policies.},
author = {Baccini, Leonardo and Pinto, Pablo M. and Weymouth, Stephen},
doi = {10.1017/S002081831700011X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baccini, Pinto, Weymouth - 2017 - The Distributional Consequences of Preferential Trade Liberalization Firm-Level Evidence.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {2},
pages = {373--395},
title = {{The Distributional Consequences of Preferential Trade Liberalization: Firm-Level Evidence}},
volume = {71},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Bermeo2015f,
abstract = {When it comes to linkages between migration and the global allocation of foreign development assistance, the size of the immigrant population from a recipient country residing in a donor country is an important determinant of dyadic aid commitments. Two complementary hypotheses probe this relationship. First, donors use foreign aid to achieve their broader immigration goals, targeting migrant-sending areas to increase development and decrease the demand for entry into the donor country. Second, migrants already residing in the donor country mobilize to lobby for additional aid for their homeland. Empirical tests on a large sample of country pairs made up of twenty-two donors and more than 150 recipients over the period 1993 to 2008 show robust support for these hypotheses.},
author = {Bermeo, Sarah Blodgett and Leblang, David},
doi = {10.1017/S0020818315000119},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bermeo, Leblang - 2015 - Migration and Foreign Aid.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15315088},
journal = {International Organization},
keywords = {foreign portfolio investment},
mendeley-tags = {foreign portfolio investment},
number = {3},
pages = {627--657},
title = {{Migration and Foreign Aid}},
volume = {69},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Farrell2019,
abstract = {Liberals claim that globalization has led to fragmentation and decentralized networks of power relations. This does not explain how states increasingly “weaponize interdependence” by leveraging global networks of informational and financial exchange for strategic advantage. The theoretical literature on network topography shows how standard models predict that many networks grow asymmetrically so that some nodes are far more connected than others. This model nicely describes several key global economic networks, centering on the United States and a few other states. Highly asymmetric networks allow states with (1) effective jurisdiction over the central economic nodes and (2) appropriate domestic institutions and norms to weaponize these structural advantages for coercive ends. In particular, two mechanisms can be identified. First, states can employ the “panopticon effect” to gather strategically valuable information. Second, they can employ the “chokepoint effect” to deny network access to adversaries. Tests of the plausibility of these arguments across two extended case studies that provide variation both in the extent of U.S. jurisdiction and in the presence of domestic institutions—the SWIFT financial messaging system and the internet—confirm the framework's expectations. A better understanding of the policy implications of the use and potential overuse of these tools, as well as the response strategies of targeted states, will recast scholarly debates on the relationship between economic globalization and state coercion.},
author = {Farrell, Henry and Newman, Abraham L.},
doi = {10.1162/isec_a_00351},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Farrell, Newman - 2019 - Weaponized Interdependence How Global Economic Networks Shape State Coercion.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0162-2889},
journal = {International Security},
number = {1},
pages = {42--79},
title = {{Weaponized Interdependence: How Global Economic Networks Shape State Coercion}},
volume = {44},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Hicks2014,
abstract = {Developing countries have increasingly opened their economies to trade. Research about trade policy in developed countries focuses on a bottom-up process by identifying economic preferences of domestic groups. We know less about developing countries. We analyze how economic and political variables influenced Costa Rican voters in a referendum on CAFTA-DR, an international trade agreement. We find little support for Stolper-Samuelson models of economic preferences, but more support for specific factor models. We also isolate the effects of political parties on the referendum, controlling for many economic factors; we document how at least one party influenced voters and this made the difference for CAFTA-DR passage. Politics, namely parties using their organizational strength to cue and frame messages for voters, influenced this important trade policy decision. Theories about trade policy need to take into account top-down political factors along with economic interests. {\textcopyright} 2013 International Studies Association.},
author = {Hicks, Raymond and Milner, Helen V. and Tingley, Dustin},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12057},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hicks, Milner, Tingley - 2014 - Trade Policy, Economic Interests, and Party Politics in a Developing Country The Political Economy of CA.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {106--117},
title = {{Trade Policy, Economic Interests, and Party Politics in a Developing Country: The Political Economy of CAFTA-DR}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Wellhausen2015b,
abstract = {We often presume that international financial actors have the same preferences, but this paper asks whether the property rights of foreign direct investors matter to sovereign bondholders. When governments expropriate direct investors, different investors' preferences could align over property rights issues. However, bondholders likely take positive signals if expropriation generates revenue for the state. Using a novel data set (1995-2011), I find that governments that earn revenue from expropriation can enjoy lower long-term spreads on sovereign bonds. Although governments that expropriate lose out on FDI, they can benefit by generating revenue and enjoying rewards in sovereign debt markets. Unpacking investor preferences thus reveals gaps in market-based informal property rights enforcement. When bondholders' and direct investors' preferences conflict, governments gain space to prioritize other goals over the protection of private property.},
author = {Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12194},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wellhausen - 2015 - Bondholders vs. Direct Investors Competing Responses to Expropriation(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wellhausen - 2015 - Bondholders vs. Direct Investors Competing Responses to Expropriation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
month = {mar},
number = {4},
pages = {750--764},
title = {{Bondholders vs. Direct Investors? Competing Responses to Expropriation}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/isq/article-lookup/doi/10.1111/isqu.12194},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Garriga2016a,
abstract = {What are the effects of international human-rights regimes on foreign direct investment (FDI)? Existing scholarship generally suggests a negative relationship between human-rights violations and FDI. Furthermore, research shows that international regimes can have effects on third parties such as non-member countries and other nonstate actors. However, it remains unclear how a country's participation in human-rights regimes could affect investors' decisions. I argue that host country participation in human-rights regimes provides a “reputational umbrella” for investors and therefore positively affects FDI. This effect proves stronger in countries with poor human rights records. Interestingly, investors appear not to punish human-rights violations if the state is a party to many human-rights regimes. Empirical analyses on a sample of 135 developing countries, from 1982 to 2011, provide support for the existence of these direct and indirect effects. The findings help to disentangle reputational effects from other possible causal mechanisms. Results are robust to various model specifications, including tests for endogeneity and reverse causality.},
author = {Garriga, Ana Carolina},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqw006},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Garriga - 2016 - Human rights regimes, reputation, and foreign direct investment(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Garriga - 2016 - Human rights regimes, reputation, and foreign direct investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {160--172},
title = {{Human rights regimes, reputation, and foreign direct investment}},
volume = {60},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Wright2018,
abstract = {In the past two decades, much of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the primary sector has flowed to unconventional, politically risky destinations. This presents a puzzle for theories that emphasize the ex post immobility of-and hence high potential expropriation risk for-fixed asset investment. Existing theories overlook one critical aspect of fixed assets: large capital requirements and high sunk costs act as entry barriers, resulting in market concentration and strong firm incentive formonopoly rent extraction. Personalist dictatorships, we posit, provide an attractive institutional environment for fixed asset investors. In such systems, the control of key economic sectors by the families of leaders, combined with a lack of institutional constraints, facilitate rent-seeking activities. We find that personalist dictatorships receive significantly more foreign investment in the primary sector, and fixed-asset intensive industries in general, than other regimes. This study highlights the importance of accounting for heterogeneity among investors and political regimes to understand the politics of FDI.},
author = {Wright, Joseph and Zhu, Boliang},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqy010},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wright, Zhu - 2018 - Monopoly rents and foreign direct investment in fixed assets.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wright, Zhu - 2018 - Monopoly rents and foreign direct investment in fixed assets(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wright, Zhu - 2018 - Monopoly rents and foreign direct investment in fixed assets(3).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
month = {jun},
number = {2},
pages = {341--356},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Monopoly rents and foreign direct investment in fixed assets}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Kim2015a,
abstract = {Does language choice attract foreign direct investment (FDI), and if so, how? We argue that language-a dynamic instrument for reducing transaction costs-can influence investors' decision to allocate capital. Potential host countries attract investments by coordinating their domestic language policies-especially those in education-to match the language of the potential FDI investor. We subject our argument to three different tests: (i) a cross-sectional sample of all global Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development investments that employs a newly constructed language-in-education measurement; (ii) a newly assembled time-series cross-sectional data set of all Chinese FDI abroad; and (iii) a detailed case study that uses process tracing to explain Chinese FDI in Indonesia. The results from these tests demonstrate a significant and robust relationship between language and FDI.},
author = {Kim, Moonhawk and Liu, Amy H. and Tuxhorn, Kim Lee and Brown, David S. and Leblang, David},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12158},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim et al. - 2015 - Lingua Mercatoria Language and Foreign Direct Investment.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim et al. - 2015 - Lingua Mercatoria Language and Foreign Direct Investment(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {330--343},
title = {{Lingua Mercatoria: Language and Foreign Direct Investment}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Jensen2014,
abstract = {Both countries and subnational governments commonly engage in competition for mobile capital, offering generous incentives to attract investment. Existing economics research has suggested that these tax incentives have a limited ability to affect investment patterns and are often excessively costly when measured against the amount of investment and jobs created. In this paper, we argue instead that the "competition" for capital can be politically beneficial to incumbent politicians. Building off work on electoral pandering, we argue that incentives allow politicians to take credit for firms' investment decisions. We test the empirical implications of this theory using a nationwide Internet survey, which employs a randomized experiment to test how voters evaluate the performance of incumbent US governors. Our findings illustrate a critical political benefit of offering such incentives. Politicians can use these incentives to take credit for investment flowing into their districts and to minimize the political fallout when investors choose to locate elsewhere.},
author = {Jensen, Nathan M. and Malesky, Edmund and Medina, Mariana and Ozdemir, Ugur},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12106},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jensen et al. - 2014 - Pass the Bucks Credit, Blame, and the Global Competition for Investment.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jensen et al. - 2014 - Pass the Bucks Credit, Blame, and the Global Competition for Investment(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {433--447},
title = {{Pass the Bucks: Credit, Blame, and the Global Competition for Investment}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Pandya2014a,
abstract = {Despite the central role of foreign direct investment (FDI) in global economic integration, we lack explanations for why countries restrict FDI inflows. This article analyzes the sources of FDI liberalization using a comprehensive new data set of national foreign ownership restrictions spanning over 90 countries for the period 1970-2000. Analyses of this data show that democratization contributes to greater FDI openness. Democratization elevates the political influence of labor, the primary beneficiary of unrestricted FDI inflows. Democracies restrict six percent fewer of their manufacturing and service industries as compared to nondemocracies. This finding is robust to several controls for alternate explanations including economic crises, coercion, and diffusion; alternate measures of both democracy and foreign ownership restrictions; and a variety of model specifications. This article elucidates the political economy foundations of the contemporary world economy.},
author = {Pandya, Sonal S.},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12125},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pandya - 2014 - Democratization and Foreign Direct Investment Liberalization, 1970-2000.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pandya - 2014 - Democratization and Foreign Direct Investment Liberalization, 1970-2000(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {475--488},
title = {{Democratization and Foreign Direct Investment Liberalization, 1970-2000}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Payton2014,
abstract = {What is the relationship between respect for labor rights and foreign direct investment (FDI)? This study explores this connection with an emphasis on the strategic role of governments in attracting FDI. We present a formal model demonstrating that governments can do so by setting the level of labor rights protection and, as a consequence, investors will choose to invest in the face of tough labor regulations or cease investing, anticipating that the costs of abiding by these regulations will be too high. The model also suggests that governments will have an incentive to implement labor regulations when enforcement costs are sufficiently low or the profits from investment are sufficiently high. Using data from developing countries across time, error correction models test the dynamic nature of these hypotheses and find support for them: strict labor laws tend to decrease inflow of FDI, but more FDI tends to encourage better labor practices.},
author = {Payton, Autumn Lockwood and Woo, Byungwon},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12138},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Payton, Woo - 2014 - Attracting Investment Governments' Strategic Role in Labor Rights Protection(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Payton, Woo - 2014 - Attracting Investment Governments' Strategic Role in Labor Rights Protection.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {462--474},
title = {{Attracting Investment: Governments' Strategic Role in Labor Rights Protection}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Carter2019,
abstract = {Although contentious interstate disputes are widely known to depress foreign direct investment (FDI), we identify and explain variation in investor responses even to territorial disputes, known to be slow to resolve and prone to militarization. Forward-looking and profit-seeking investors have incentives to increase FDI when the characteristics of a dispute point toward peace. These incentives drive them to increase investment even prior to an actual settlement. Given that legal focal points - when international law identifies one side in the dispute as having a clear legal advantage - promote peace, countries in disputes with legal focal points should receive more FDI. To support this argument, we use new data on international law and territorial disputes from 1980 to 2010 to explain variation in FDI across countries, as well as variation in the timing of within-country FDI accumulation. While a growing body of work demonstrates how international law influences state behavior, we show that it also profoundly influences the investment patterns of firms.},
author = {Carter, David B. and Wellhausen, Rachel L. and Huth, Paul K.},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqy046},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carter, Wellhausen, Huth - 2019 - International Law, Territorial Disputes, and Foreign Direct Investment(3).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carter, Wellhausen, Huth - 2019 - International Law, Territorial Disputes, and Foreign Direct Investment.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Carter, Wellhausen, Huth - 2019 - International Law, Territorial Disputes, and Foreign Direct Investment(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {0020-8833},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {58--71},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{International Law, Territorial Disputes, and Foreign Direct Investment}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/isq/article/63/1/58/5261247},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{SkovgaardPoulsen2014,
abstract = {Given the considerable sovereignty costs involved, the adoption of modern investment treaties by practically all developing countries presents somewhat of a puzzle. Based on a review of leading explanations of investment treaty diffusion, the article advances a new theory using behavioral economics insights on cognitive heuristics. In line with recent work on policy diffusion, it suggests that a bounded rationality framework has considerable potential to explain why, and how, developing countries have adopted modern investment treaties. To illustrate the potential of this approach, the case of South Africa is studied in depth. {\textcopyright} 2013 International Studies Association.},
author = {{Skovgaard Poulsen}, Lauge N.},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12051},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Skovgaard Poulsen - 2014 - Bounded Rationality and the Diffusion of Modern Investment Treaties(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Skovgaard Poulsen - 2014 - Bounded Rationality and the Diffusion of Modern Investment Treaties.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {1--14},
title = {{Bounded Rationality and the Diffusion of Modern Investment Treaties}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Li2018b,
abstract = {A large body of research examines the relationship between democracy and foreign direct investment (FDI). Scholars offer numerous arguments about why democratic institutions encourage or discourage FDI. Yet, almost all statistical work examines whether democracies receive more or less FDI than nondemocracies. Direct evidence on the underlying theoretical mechanisms that might account for such variation remains scant. We perform a metaregression analysis to test whether proposed mechanisms are consistent with observable evidence from previous studies or not. Our sample includes 229 model estimates from forty prior studies. We reach three major findings with respect to theoretical mechanisms, FDI measurement, and publication bias. Our research demonstrates that metaregression provides a useful tool for adjudicating theoretical arguments and evaluating publication bias, especially when the accumulated literature presents contradictory findings.},
author = {Li, Quan and Owen, Erica and Mitchell, Austin},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqy014},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Li, Owen, Mitchell - 2018 - Why do democracies attract more or less foreign direct investment A metaregression analysis(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Li, Owen, Mitchell - 2018 - Why do democracies attract more or less foreign direct investment A metaregression analysis(3).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Li, Owen, Mitchell - 2018 - Why do democracies attract more or less foreign direct investment A metaregression analysis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
month = {sep},
number = {3},
pages = {494--504},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Why do democracies attract more or less foreign direct investment? A metaregression analysis}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Braithwaite2014a,
abstract = {Does domestic political unrest deter foreign direct investment (FDI)? And what are the longer term impacts of unrest upon the market? Most theories suggest that investors are deterred by unrest. However, empirical research returns only marginal support. We argue that these mixed results stem from the conflation of the distinct tactics and outcomes of political unrest. Violent forms of unrest increase uncertainty and risk. By comparison, nonviolent forms of unrest are shown to more frequently achieve their goals and increase the prospects for democratic change and market stability. In addition, investors avoid markets where campaigns have ended in failure, defined as the campaign not achieving their stated political aims. Failed campaigns often precipitate a cycle of unrest that create greater uncertainty over the long-term stability of a state. We find strong evidence in favor of our propositions, even after taking political motivation and non-random selection into account.},
author = {Braithwaite, Alex and Kucik, Jeffrey and Maves, Jessica},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12061},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Braithwaite, Kucik, Maves - 2014 - The Costs of Domestic Political Unrest(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Braithwaite, Kucik, Maves - 2014 - The Costs of Domestic Political Unrest.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {489--500},
title = {{The Costs of Domestic Political Unrest}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Pinto2016b,
abstract = {We analyze how one of the central drivers of globalization, foreign direct investment (FDI), relates to the prevalence of corruption. According to received wisdom, the link between globalization and corruption depends on the presence of proper political institutions and practices. We develop an alternative explanation that looks at the effect of inward FDI on host market dynamics, which in turn affect the opportunities for rent creation. We argue that, in less developed countries, FDI inflows can increase market concentration, resulting in higher rents that public officials can demand from market actors. Yet, the positive association between inward investment and corruption is mitigated in more developed economies. There, foreign entry into a market populated by productive indigenous firms promotes competition and reduces rents. This lowers opportunities for corrupt behavior. We test this nonlinear relationship between FDI and corruption in an instrumental variable two-stage least squares setting. The results indicate that FDI is indeed associated with higher levels of corruption in less developed countries, but not in developed countries. Our findings highlight the role of globalization in shaping host countries' market dynamics, which often set the parameters of political outcomes.},
author = {Pinto, Pablo M. and Zhu, Boliang},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqw025},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pinto, Zhu - 2016 - Fortune or Evil The effect of inward foreign direct investment on corruption.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pinto, Zhu - 2016 - Fortune or Evil The effect of inward foreign direct investment on corruption(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {693--705},
title = {{Fortune or Evil? The effect of inward foreign direct investment on corruption}},
volume = {60},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Kerner2014a,
abstract = {This paper argues that the foreign direct investment (FDI) data commonly used to test political science theories about FDI often diverge from the theorized about phenomena in ways that can introduce bias and complicate hypothesis testing. I describe some of the key conceptual issues surrounding the quantification of FDI, how commonly used data deals with these issues, and the extent to which those coding rules allow or prevent these data from speaking to political science theories. I show that the empirical relationship between democracy, political risk, and multinational corporations behavior is significantly impacted by "getting the measure right." I conclude by arguing that political science theories about FDI speak to such a wide variety of empirically and conceptually distinct phenomena that conflating them as "FDI" does a disservice to the complexity of the topic.},
author = {Kerner, Andrew},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12147},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kerner - 2014 - What We Talk About When We Talk About Foreign Direct Investment.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kerner - 2014 - What We Talk About When We Talk About Foreign Direct Investment(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {804--815},
title = {{What We Talk About When We Talk About Foreign Direct Investment}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Moon2015,
abstract = {Why do some autocratic governments do better than others in attracting foreign direct investment (FDI)? The received wisdom holds that democracies enjoy advantages over autocracies when it comes to attracting FDI. But there exist autocratic countries that attract substantial amounts of FDI. For example, during the last two decades, about half of the top 20 non-OECD host countries are nondemocratic. Focusing on the role of commitment institutions by which host countries can commit their protection of foreign assets, I argue that autocrats with long time horizons can provide stronger institutions to protect property rights. This allows them to attract more FDI. Using an error correction model (EDM) covering autocratic countries from 1970 to 2008, I find evidence that strongly supports my argument. These findings suggest that what matters to foreign investors is not regime type per se but specific institutional features of the host country. Insofar as host countries provide sound institutions to protect foreign assets, they would be able to attract more foreign investment.},
author = {Moon, Chungshik},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12182},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Moon - 2015 - Foreign Direct Investment, Commitment Institutions, and Time Horizon How Some Autocrats Do Better than Others.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Moon - 2015 - Foreign Direct Investment, Commitment Institutions, and Time Horizon How Some Autocrats Do Better than Others(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Moon - 2015 - Foreign Direct Investment, Commitment Institutions, and Time Horizon How Some Autocrats Do Better than Others(3).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
month = {jun},
number = {2},
pages = {344--356},
publisher = {Blackwell Publishing Inc.},
title = {{Foreign Direct Investment, Commitment Institutions, and Time Horizon: How Some Autocrats Do Better than Others}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Jensen2013,
abstract = {Political scientists have examined how domestic politics and the competition for international capital affect the setting of national tax rates. In this paper, I explore how political institutions, specifically the level of democracy, affect firm-level taxation across the world. I argue that electoral competition leads democratic governments to higher levels of taxation of firms. Using a data set on firm tax payments on the foreign affiliates of US multinational corporations from the US Bureau of Economic Analysis, I show that there are large variations within countries on the tax burdens faced by firms that are not explained by national tax rates. I find evidence that the mobility of the specific investment project, the types of spillovers these investments provide to a community, and attributes of the parent firm are all important determinants of taxation. While firm-level factors clearly affect corporate taxation, I argue that democratic institutions limit the offering of tax incentives and generate electoral benefits to policing tax avoidance by multinational corporations. After controlling for parent firm and foreign affiliate-level factors, I find that democratic countries generate as much as 26{\%} more tax revenues from multinational corporations relative to authoritarian countries. {\textcopyright} 2013 International Studies Association.},
author = {Jensen, Nathan M.},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12099},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jensen - 2013 - Domestic Institutions and the Taxing of Multinational Corporations.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00208833},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {751--759},
title = {{Domestic Institutions and the Taxing of Multinational Corporations}},
volume = {57},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Liao2015,
abstract = {For several years now, China has implemented policies to promote the international use of its national currency, the Renminbi (RMB). As part of these efforts, the People's Bank of China (PBC) has negotiated 25 bilateral currency swap agreements (BSAs) with foreign central banks. These make it easier for firms in both China and its partner countries to settle cross-border trade and direct investment in RMB. We seek to explain why China and these countries cooperate via BSAs. We theorize that trade and direct investment interdependence relate to dyadic BSA cooperation via two mechanisms: financing insulation from international liquidity shocks and reduced transaction costs of cross-border exchange for local firms. Additionally, we expect the presence of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) and bilateral investment treaties (BITs) will increase the probability of dyadic BSA cooperation. BSAs are natural extensions of these existing agreements. They represent an additional layer of state-level formal cooperation that further reduces barriers to cross-border trade and direct investment. Our empirical analysis finds that both de facto trade interdependence and de jure economic integration via PTAs and BITs increase the probability of BSA cooperation between China and partners.},
author = {Liao, Steven and Mcdowell, Daniel},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12161},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Liao, Mcdowell - 2015 - Redback Rising China's Bilateral Swap Agreements and Renminbi Internationalization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {401--422},
title = {{Redback Rising: China's Bilateral Swap Agreements and Renminbi Internationalization}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Thompson2014,
abstract = {Different international regimes are built from legal instruments that vary in terms of whether they are multilateral, bilateral, or a combination thereof. We investigate the reasons for such variation. The choice between multilateralism and bilateralism is a function of the tradeoff between each instrument's relative flaw. Multilateralism is wasteful in incentives, as the same agreement is offered to all states regardless of their compliance costs. Bilateralism mitigates this problem by allowing for more tailored agreements but in the process multiplies transaction costs by requiring many of them. We use a formal model to generate propositions on the design of "lateralism" and the related issue of membership size and offer illustrations in the context of four regimes: foreign direct investment, human rights, climate change, and international trade. {\textcopyright} 2013 International Studies Association.},
author = {Thompson, Alexander and Verdier, Daniel},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12100},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Thompson, Verdier - 2014 - Multilateralism, Bilateralism, and Regime Design.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {15--28},
title = {{Multilateralism, Bilateralism, and Regime Design}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Chwieroth2014,
abstract = {What accounts for the spread of Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs)? Despite the increasing importance of SWFs in the glo- bal economy, we lack persuasive systematic answers to that question. Most analysts take for granted that economic impera- tives drive the creation of SWFs; governments create them as effective solutions to the challenges generated by reserve accumulation and commodity-export specialization. In this article, I argue that the evidence fails to support this theory. Instead, the spread of SWFs best resembles the diffusion of a fashion or fad. SWFs became fashionable as an appropriate approach for reserve- and resource-rich countries seeking to manage policy uncertainty related to these economic charac- teristics. As other countries developed the same characteristics, they followed the lead of their peers and also created SWFs. I provide, with the use of a new data set, the first cross-national political-economy statistical analysis of SWF crea- tion. The results suggest peer group emulation has, indeed, been crucial in shaping the decision of many countries to create SWFs—especially in fuel-exporting countries.},
annote = {- he is looking at 1980 to 2008
- jacknife
- uncertainty
- missing},
author = {Chwieroth, Jeffrey M},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12140},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {752--763},
title = {{Fashions and Fads in Finance: The Political Foundations of Sovereign Wealth Fund Creation}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Connell2019,
abstract = {Conventional wisdom dictates that democracies are reliable in upholding their international commitments. However, this assertion is at odds with democratic behavior in sovereign borrowing where democracies have sometimes imposed considerable losses on foreign creditors. Why do some democracies choose to renege on extremely large portions of their sovereign debt during economic crisis? This article argues that costs incurred by creditors are dependent on how the borrowing state's electoral system aggregates competing domestic economic interests. Internationally oriented economic interests prefer to minimize creditor losses since sizeable debt reductions are more likely to compromise access to foreign credit. Conversely, workers and domestic-oriented economic interests prefer to maximize losses faced by foreign creditors in order to ease the costs of austerity at home. By shaping the political incentives of policymakers, I argue that democracies with candidate-centric electoral systems should be associated with sovereign defaults that are less costly for foreign creditors. Under these electoral systems, governments hold incentives to cater primarily to internationally oriented economic interests that are best able to overcome the costs of collective action. Statistical evidence from 53 sovereign debt restructurings between 1978 and 2012 supports the main argument.},
author = {Connell, Brendan J},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqz067},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Connell - 2019 - Electoral Rules, Interest Group Pressures, and the Price of Democratic Default.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0020-8833},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
pages = {1--14},
title = {{Electoral Rules, Interest Group Pressures, and the Price of Democratic Default}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Baccini2015a,
abstract = {Existing research indicates the interrelated nature of different dimensions of the design of international institutions. In particular, it shows the greater flexibility of deep agreements. We argue-and demonstrate empirically-that the positive relationship between depth and flexibility holds for preferential trade agreements (PTAs). But we add two qualifications to the conventional wisdom that depth and flexibility go hand in hand. First, we argue that the positive relationship between depth and flexibility proves weaker for democracies than for nondemocracies. Second, when making deep agreements more flexible, countries also add strings to the use of the additional flexibility provisions. An original data set on the design of 587 PTAs allows us to test our arguments. Both descriptive evidence and multivariate statistics support the theoretical expectations. The findings contribute to the literatures on the design of international institutions and the causes and consequences of PTAs.},
author = {Baccini, Leonardo and D{\"{u}}r, Andreas and Elsig, Manfred},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12188},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baccini, D{\"{u}}r, Elsig - 2015 - The Politics of Trade Agreement Design Revisiting the Depth-Flexibility Nexus.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {765--775},
title = {{The Politics of Trade Agreement Design: Revisiting the Depth-Flexibility Nexus}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Pevehouse2019,
abstract = {Newspapers print alarming headlines when foreign governments hire U.S.-based lobbyists to promote their interests in Washington D.C. But does foreign lobbying systematically affect U.S. foreign policy? We provide an analysis of the influence of foreign lobbying on one important component of U.S. foreign policy: the evaluation of human rights practices abroad. U.S. human rights ratings can have a large impact on American foreign policy. They affect foreign aid, sanctions, and trade. Thus, we expect that many countries seek to tilt State Department Country Reports on Human Rights in their favor through information they provide to U.S.-based lobbyists. Our statistical analysis of these State Department reports and lobbying data from the Foreign Agent Registration Act between 1976-2012 shows that, holding other factors equal, more foreign lobbying leads to more favorable U.S. human rights reports - when compared to both previous reports and Amnesty International reports. Furthermore, our findings contribute to the growing literature on performance indicators like human rights ratings by highlighting the politics of how those ratings are generated.},
author = {Pevehouse, Jon C.W. and Vabulas, Felicity},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqy052},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pevehouse, Vabulas - 2019 - Nudging the Needle Foreign Lobbies and US Human Rights Ratings.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {85--98},
title = {{Nudging the Needle: Foreign Lobbies and US Human Rights Ratings}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Manger2014,
abstract = {Why do developing countries negotiate North-South trade agreements, when they already enjoy preferential market access to developed-country markets? Most developing countries benefit from the generalized system of preferences (GSP) and related schemes when they export to the United States, the EU, and other developed economies. And yet, many pursue fully reciprocal agreements that require major concessions to the developed partner. We argue that this is due to the nature of the GSP as a unilateral concession that can be (and often is) taken away. High dependence on unilateral, removable preferences generates "political trade dependence" (PTD). We distinguish PTD from standard measures of trade dependence, and we explain why PTD motivates developing countries to seek North-South Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). We show the effects of PTD with a selection of illustrative cases and test our hypothesis on a data set of EU and US trade agreements with developing countries. We find robust statistical support for our hypothesis that high and rising levels of PTD make the negotiation of a North-South RTA more likely. {\textcopyright} 2013 International Studies Association.},
author = {Manger, Mark S. and Shadlen, Kenneth C.},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12048},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Manger, Shadlen - 2014 - Political Trade Dependence and North-South Trade Agreements.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {79--91},
title = {{Political Trade Dependence and North-South Trade Agreements}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kim2019b,
abstract = {Trade policy has become increasingly multidimensional. Current trade agreements not only address market access but also encompass rules and provisions related to flexibility of commitment, investment protection, and dispute settlement mechanisms. Yet, rigorous evidence about how interest groups evaluate each of these in relation to the others remains scarce. We develop a firm-level theoretical framework to explain how firms' international operations affect their preferences on different trade policy measures. We experimentally evaluate preferences over multiple policy dimensions using a conjoint analysis on firms in Costa Rica. Notably, for many types of firms, the standard trade policy measures of yesteryear - tariffs and subsidies - are no longer their most important concerns. Instead, the degree of firms' involvement in global value chains shapes their preferences. Multinational corporations care most about protection of their foreign investments. Those exporters who are not central to global supply networks most value strong dispute settlement procedures. Finally, we find that preferences over these policy dimensions are more likely to vary by firm than by industry, which calls into question the existing literature's focus on interindustry distinctions.},
author = {Kim, In Song and Milner, Helen V. and Bernauer, Thomas and Osgood, Iain and Spilker, Gabriele and Tingley, Dustin},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqy055},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim et al. - 2019 - Firms and Global Value Chains Identifying Firms' Multidimensional Trade Preferences.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {153--167},
title = {{Firms and Global Value Chains: Identifying Firms' Multidimensional Trade Preferences}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Morgan2019,
abstract = {In this article we depart from the classic model of foreign direct investment (FDI) determinants and examine the effect of sociohistorical factors on FDI. We argue that past foreign aid projects confer social capital that constitutes specific resources available to investors in the present, increasing their preferences for host countries in which their home country has accumulated more social capital. We use new data on China's historical aid in Africa to test these contentions, uncovering a positive, significant connection between China's historical aid program in Africa (1956–1999) and contemporary (2000–2015) investments by Chinese companies. While China's historical aid may have been politically driven, it has had important long-term consequences for its commercial investors. More broadly, these findings suggest a sociohistorical explanation of the puzzle of why Chinese foreign investments deviate from conventional FDI patterns.},
author = {Morgan, Pippa and Zheng, Yu},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqz021},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Morgan, Zheng - 2019 - Tracing the Legacy China's Historical Aid and Contemporary Investment in Africa.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0020-8833},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {558--573},
title = {{Tracing the Legacy: China's Historical Aid and Contemporary Investment in Africa}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Nielsen2015,
abstract = {Among the explanations for state ratification of human rights treaties, few are more common and widely accepted than the conjecture that states are rewarded for ratification by other states. These rewards are expected to come in the form of tangible benefits-foreign aid, trade, and investment-and intangible benefits such as praise, acceptance, and legitimacy. Surprisingly, these explanations for ratification have never been tested empirically. We summarize and clarify the theoretical underpinnings of "reward-for-ratification" theories and test these propositions empirically by looking for increased international aid, economic agreements, and public praise and recognition following ratification of four prominent human rights treaties. We find almost no evidence that states can expect increased tangible or intangible rewards after ratification. Given the lack of empirical support, alternative explanations seem more appealing for understanding human rights treaty ratification.},
author = {Nielsen, Richard A. and Simmons, Beth A.},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12142},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Nielsen, Simmons - 2015 - Rewards for Ratification Payoffs for Participating in the International Human Rights Regime.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {197--208},
title = {{Rewards for Ratification: Payoffs for Participating in the International Human Rights Regime?}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Chow2017,
abstract = {Why are some autocracies more open to trade than others? And why are autocratic trade policies so volatile? Despite wide variation in how autocracies approach international trade, existing research offers few answers to these questions. We argue that the trade policies of autocratic regimes depend in part on the mode of entry of their leaders. Autocrats can enter power either legally-according to established rules of succession-or extralegally, through a palace revolt or coup. These different modes of entry lead to different posttransition politics and trade policies. Because new extralegal leaders are outsiders with limited resources, they are vulnerable to coups by other ruling elites. They reduce this vulnerability by building public support via lower tariffs. However, as they consolidate their rule, they reverse these initial tariffcuts. Extralegal entries thus lead to foreign economic policies that are more "cooperative" in the short run but more volatile in the long run.},
author = {Chow, Wilfred Ming and Kono, Daniel Yuichi},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqx036},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chow, Kono - 2017 - Entry, vulnerability, and trade policy Why some Autocrats like international trade.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {892--906},
title = {{Entry, vulnerability, and trade policy: Why some Autocrats like international trade}},
volume = {61},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Weymouth2017,
abstract = {Despite the importance of services in international trade and in the support of global production activities, studies of the political economy of trade liberalization tend to focus on goods trade and the preferences of manufacturing firms and their employees. This article advocates greater consideration of service firms and services trade in political economy models of trade policy. I build my argument around a number of stylized facts about US trade in services. The data suggest that the United States maintains a comparative advantage in services trade, which for standard accounts of trade politics would suggest more homogenous support for trade liberalization within the services sector compared with manufacturing. However, the politics of services liberalization are complicated by the distinct and complex features of international trade in services. Tradable services are delivered internationally through cross-border trade (often electronically), but also through temporary travel and-most importantly for US firms-by a commercial presence, that is, foreign direct investment. These features of services trade imply that governments have an array of policy tools at their disposal with which to protect domestic firms from foreign competition. This article documents the relative importance of various modes of US trade in services, assesses the relationship between policy restrictions and services trade, and discusses how growth in services trade may impact firms' trade policy objectives.},
author = {Weymouth, Stephen},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqx056},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Weymouth - 2017 - Service firms in the politics of US trade policy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {935--947},
title = {{Service firms in the politics of US trade policy}},
volume = {61},
year = {2017}
}
@article{KindredWinecoff2014,
abstract = {This paper argues that banks operating in systems where monetary and regulatory authority are unified in a central bank expect and receive preferential monetary policies, and so act less prudently than do banks in non-unified systems. These incentives arise when the natural tension between counter-cyclical monetary policy and pro-cyclical regulatory policy is resolved in ways that benefit the banking sector. I test the hypothesis using time series cross-sectional regression models that exploit two types of policy interventions-accession to the European monetary union, and several reassignments of domestic regulatory authority-within OECD countries from 1992 to 2009, the period during which the international Basel accords harmonized key aspects of national regulatory standards. The results strongly support the claim that there is a relationship between risk behaviors of banks and the location of regulatory and monetary authority.},
author = {{Kindred Winecoff}, W.},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12108},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kindred Winecoff - 2014 - Bank Regulation, Macroeconomic Management, and Monetary Incentives in OECD Economies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {448--461},
title = {{Bank Regulation, Macroeconomic Management, and Monetary Incentives in OECD Economies}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Gertz2018,
abstract = {The modern investor-state arbitration regime was explicitly designed to replace commercial diplomacy as a mechanism for protecting foreign investment. I argue, however, that diplomacy continues to play an important role in managing political risk, particularly in countries with weak rule of law. Yet, since commercial diplomacy occurs primarily behind closed doors, it is difficult to observe, let alone test for its effects. To overcome this obstacle, I exploit variation in vacancies among US ambassadors to foreign countries-conditions overwhelmingly driven by US domestic political factors-which provides for a quasi-natural experiment for testing the effects of commercial diplomacy. I show that American firms operating abroad are significantly more likely to initiate investor-state arbitration disputes during temporary vacancies in US ambassadorships. The effects of these vacancies prove particularly strong in countries with weak rule of law. The results suggest American investors frequently seek assistance from the US government in informally resolving incipient investment disputes; if diplomatic channels are unsuccessful or unavailable, investors then file formal arbitration cases. These findings underline that, even in highly legalized issue areas in world politics, such as investment protection, informal diplomacy continues to influence important political economy outcomes.},
author = {Gertz, Geoffrey},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqx079},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gertz - 2018 - Commercial diplomacy and political risk.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {94--107},
title = {{Commercial diplomacy and political risk}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Davis2018,
abstract = {How does economic interdependence shape political relations? We show a new pathway to support a commercial peace in which economic interdependence changes strategies for conflict management. The uncertainty arising from political disputes between countries can depress trade flows. As states seek to protect trade from such negative effects, they are more likely to bring their disputes to legal venues. We assess this argument by analyzing why countries bring cases to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Using data on 190 countries from 1960 to 2013, we find that countries are more likely to file ICJ cases against important trading partners than against states with low levels of shared trade. We conclude that economic interdependence changes the incentives for how states resolve their disputes.},
author = {Davis, Christina L. and Morse, Julia C.},
doi = {10.1093/ISQ/SQY022},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Davis, Morse - 2018 - Protecting trade by legalizing political disputes Why countries bring cases to the International Court of Justice.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {709--722},
title = {{Protecting trade by legalizing political disputes: Why countries bring cases to the International Court of Justice}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Alter2019,
abstract = {This article introduces a Thematic Section and theorizes the multiple ways that judicializing international relations shifts power away from national executives and legislatures toward litigants, judges, arbitrators, and other nonstate decision-makers. We identify two preconditions for judicialization to occur—(1) delegation to an adjudicatory body charged with applying designated legal rules, and (2) legal rights-claiming by actors who bring—or threaten to bring—a complaint to one or more of these bodies. We classify the adjudicatory bodies that do and do not contribute to judicializing international relations, including but not limited to international courts. We then explain how rights-claiming initiates a process for authoritatively determining past violations of the law, identifying remedies for those violations, and preventing future violations. Because judicializing international relations occurs in multiple phases, in multiple locations, and involves multiple actors as decision-makers, governments often do not control the timing, nature, or extent to which political and policy decisions are adjudicated. Delegation—and the associated choice of institutional design features—is thus only the first step in a chain of processes that determine how a diverse array of nonstate actors influence politically consequential decisions.},
author = {Alter, Karen J and Hafner-Burton, Emilie M and Helfer, Laurence R},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqz019},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Alter, Hafner-Burton, Helfer - 2019 - Theorizing the Judicialization of International Relations.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0020-8833},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {449--463},
title = {{Theorizing the Judicialization of International Relations}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Barry2013,
abstract = {Nonstate actors, such as international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and multinational corporations (MNCs), have attained an increasingly prominent role in modern world affairs. While previous research has focused on these actors' respective interactions with states, little attention has been paid to their interactions with each other. In this paper, we examine the extent to which the decisions of private actors seeking to invest abroad are affected by the reputational costs of doing business in countries publicly targeted by human rights activists. We find that ''naming and shaming'' by human rights INGOs tends to reduce the amount of foreign direct investment received by developing states, providing evidence that INGO activities affect the behavior of MNCs. An additional implication of our findings is that shaming by INGOs can impose real costs on targeted states in the form of lost investment. {\textcopyright} 2012 International Studies Association.},
author = {Barry, Colin M. and {Chad Clay}, K. and Flynn, Michael E.},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12039},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Barry, Chad Clay, Flynn - 2013 - Avoiding the spotlight Human rights shaming and foreign direct investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00208833},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {3},
pages = {532--544},
title = {{Avoiding the spotlight: Human rights shaming and foreign direct investment}},
volume = {57},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Gomez-Mera2014,
abstract = {This article studies the functioning of dispute settlement mechanisms in regional trade agreements (RTAs) and their interaction with multilateral trade institutions. We examine the determinants of formal dispute initiation in RTAs among South American countries. Using an original data set of RTA disputes, we investigate the impact of economic power disparities, domestic political factors, and previous experience on the decision of South American countries to initiate a dispute against a regional trade partner. Our analysis indicates that both power asymmetries and domestic political factors influence the likelihood of dispute initiation at the regional level. We also find strong support for our hypothesis that previous experience in dispute settlement increases the probability that a country will file a complaint against a regional trade partner using regional mechanisms. Perhaps more interestingly, our empirical analysis also uncovers important cross-institutional effects. Prior participation in WTO disputes increases the propensity of states to file complaints at the regional level. {\textcopyright} 2014 International Studies Association.},
author = {Gomez-Mera, Laura and Molinari, Andrea},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12135},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gomez-Mera, Molinari - 2014 - Overlapping institutions, learning, and dispute initiation in regional trade agreements Evidence from Sout.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {2},
pages = {269--281},
title = {{Overlapping institutions, learning, and dispute initiation in regional trade agreements: Evidence from South America}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Wu2015,
abstract = {This paper investigates how authoritarian leaders employ trade openness as a response to rising inequality. Based on the Heckscher-Ohlin model of international trade and models of democratic transition, I argue that unskilled laborers in authoritarian regimes can benefit from engaging in international trade, thus becoming more compliant to the authoritarian rules as their countries integrate into the world economy. Therefore, dictators in labor-abundant countries expand trade to neutralize democratization threats initiated by rising inequality. My argument uses supporting data from around eighty authoritarian regimes during the period from 1963 to 2003. I address endogeneity problems with dynamic panel data and instrumental variable regression models in this paper. My analyses suggest that economic globalization helps strengthen authoritarian regimes.},
author = {Wu, Wen Chin},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12149},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wu - 2015 - When do Dictators Decide to Liberalize Trade Regimes Inequality and Trade Openness in Authoritarian Countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {790--801},
title = {{When do Dictators Decide to Liberalize Trade Regimes? Inequality and Trade Openness in Authoritarian Countries}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Moehlecke2019,
abstract = {Despite suggestions that international investment disputes impose a chilling effect on governments' autonomy to set regulatory policies, we lack empirical confirmation of the phenomenon and what explains its heterogeneity across countries. Using a novel dataset of nine anti-smoking regulations in ninety-two countries from 1973 to 2016, I confirm the presence of the chilling effect, but also its boundaries. I show that countries have been significantly slower in implementing two anti-smoking policies formally challenged under investment law, while the adoption of seven undisputed regulations in this issue area continued unimpeded. Qualitative evidence from respondent and third-party governments confirm the policy-specificity of the chilling effect and show that both developed and developing countries were affected by the chill, albeit differently. By providing the first empirical confirmation of a regulatory chill and by defining its limited scope in one of the most high-profiled international investment disputes to date, my findings indicate that, even though multinational corporations can constrain state sovereignty, their effects are not necessarily expansive or indefinite.},
author = {Moehlecke, Carolina},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqz077},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Moehlecke - 2019 - The Chilling Effect of International Investment Disputes Limited Challenges to State Sovereignty.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {2017030090},
issn = {0020-8833},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
pages = {1--12},
title = {{The Chilling Effect of International Investment Disputes: Limited Challenges to State Sovereignty}},
volume = {2017},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Tomashevskiy2015,
abstract = {Many argue that government partisanship influences the size of investment flows into stocks and bonds. But existing literature tells us little about how international capital flows influence election outcomes. I argue that passive investment into stocks, bonds, and other debt instruments-in other words, portfolio investments-increases political contributions to right-wing parties. This investment generates resources for domestic capitalists. These owners of capital then channel these resources into political contributions to right-wing parties and enhance those parties' electoral position. Thus, passive investment bolsters the electoral chances of right-wing governments. I illustrate this process with a formal model of special interest politics in which lobbies operate under budget constraint. Using a new data set on political contributions and statistical analyses for a sample of states from 1980-2009, I find support for my general argument.},
author = {Tomashevskiy, Andrey},
doi = {10.1111/isqu.12211},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tomashevskiy - 2015 - Capital Preferences International Capital and Government Partisanship.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {4},
pages = {776--789},
title = {{Capital Preferences: International Capital and Government Partisanship}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Frantz2018,
abstract = {The developing world currently loses more money via capital flight than it receives through foreign aid and foreign direct investment combined. This "leakage" of capital produces many pernicious consequences for developing economies. What factors influence capital flight? I argue that it follows an electoral cycle. Greater uncertainty prior to elections incentivizes those in the business sector to take their money elsewhere. Using data from thirty-six African countries from 1971 to 2009, I find support for my argument: capital flight is higher during election years than it is otherwise.},
author = {Frantz, Erica},
doi = {10.1093/isq/sqx066},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Frantz - 2018 - Elections and capital flight Evidence from Africa.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682478},
journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
number = {1},
pages = {160--170},
title = {{Elections and capital flight: Evidence from Africa}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@misc{Vekasi2019,
abstract = {This paper examines economic statecraft in the case of rare-earth elements, of which China controls over 90{\%} of the world's current supply, and famously cut off exports to Japan during a territorial dispute in 2010. The rare-earth sanctions provide an opportunity to investigate claims of economic statecraft, power and interdependence, and the political implications of near-monopoly control of a resource critical for high-tech military, consumer, medical, and environmental industries. A vector error correction model statistically disentangles the effects of China's economic statecraft from their rare-earth quota and pricing policies. Prior to the sanctions, there was little international supply diversification. China's purported use of rare-earth elements was an economically costly diplomatic signal that demonstrated their potential leverage, but also had unintended consequences, as Japan moved to diversify rare-earth supplies and in doing so deepened diplomatic ties with China's neighbors. Economic statecraft served to heighten regional tensions and undermine the China's own end goals.},
author = {Vekasi, Kristin},
booktitle = {Japanese Journal of Political Science},
doi = {10.1017/S1468109918000385},
issn = {14740060},
keywords = {China,Japan,economic interdependence,rare-earth metals,resource nationalism,sanctions},
title = {{Politics, markets, and rare commodities: Responses to Chinese rare earth policy}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Billing2019,
abstract = {Why do developing countries commit to costly international agreements? Massive arbitral awards and the discovery that rich countries write investment rules have led to a newfound appreciation of the costs of bilateral investment treaties (BITs). Yet, developing countries continue to sign them. This article advances a novel argument for why governments sign potentially costly agreements. We argue that civil conflict changes the decision calculus of governments by rendering them domestically insecure. This insecurity makes governments more willing to sign agreements, like BITs, that sacrifice future policy autonomy. BITs can attract foreign direct investment (FDI) and signal competence, which have important domestic political benefits. BITs are also attractive postconflict since they can be copied quickly from past templates and require few ex ante policy changes. Empirical tests of over 150 countries from 1960 to 2012 demonstrate that governments sign more BITs after civil conflict. Additional tests indicate that postconflict BITs increase FDI inflows, especially after devastating conflict. Our results provide a unique perspective on why governments cede sovereignty to international institutions.},
author = {Billing, Trey and Lugg, Andrew D.},
doi = {10.1177/0022002717729734},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Billing, Lugg - 2019 - Conflicted Capital The Effect of Civil Conflict on Patterns of BIT Signing.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15528766},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {civil wars,domestic politics,international institutions,international treaties},
number = {2},
pages = {373--404},
title = {{Conflicted Capital: The Effect of Civil Conflict on Patterns of BIT Signing}},
volume = {63},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Kim2014a,
abstract = {Considerable evidence suggests that economic interdependence and integration reduce the likelihood of militarized conflict. However, scholars have devoted remarkably scant attention to testing different explanations of the liberal peace. This article offers an empirical test that can help adjudicate the two main arguments on the liberal peace: the opportunity cost and signaling arguments. Under the incomplete information assumption, I derive different observable implications of the competing arguments regarding how target states respond when challenged. By estimating selection models comprising dispute initiation and reciprocation, I find that, as challengers are more dependent on bilateral trade, targets are less likely to reciprocate disputes, which is supportive of the signaling argument. Regarding dispute initiation, increases in foreign direct investment and financial openness are associated with a decrease in the probability of conflict initiation. Last, the pacifying effects of the liberal economic variables are much more pronounced in contiguous and major dyads than in other dyads.},
author = {Kim, Nam Kyu},
doi = {10.1177/0022002713484280},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim - 2014 - Testing Two Explanations of the Liberal Peace The Opportunity Cost and Signaling Arguments.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15528766},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {economic interdependence,globalization,militarized disputes,opportunity costs,signaling},
number = {5},
pages = {894--919},
title = {{Testing Two Explanations of the Liberal Peace: The Opportunity Cost and Signaling Arguments}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Berrebi2016,
abstract = {Recent studies have identified correlational associations linking terrorism and females' standing in the labor market. Theories have been proposed to explain these associations. Some concluded that women's participation in the labor force could be the driver that moves terrorism; others proposed that terrorism motivates the deviations in the labor force. No study has adequately explored causality and the direction of this association. Using a panel data set of 165 countries and terrorism data from 1980 to 2007, we find that terrorist attacks decrease female labor force participation and increase the gender gap between male and female labor force participation. By exploiting variation across countries and time, we are able to identify and quantify these effects; we are also able to address endogeneity concerns by using two novel instrumental variable approaches. The results are statistically significant and robust across a multitude of model specifications.},
author = {Berrebi, Claude and Ostwald, Jordan},
doi = {10.1177/0022002714535251},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Berrebi, Ostwald - 2016 - Terrorism and the Labor Force Evidence of an Effect on Female Labor Force Participation and the Labor Gender G.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15528766},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {conflict,conservatism,gender gap,labor,national security,natural disasters,terrorism},
number = {1},
pages = {32--60},
title = {{Terrorism and the Labor Force: Evidence of an Effect on Female Labor Force Participation and the Labor Gender Gap}},
volume = {60},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Wellhausen2015a,
abstract = {Since 1990, governments around the developing world have broken contracts made with multinational corporations (MNCs), but the incidence of breach varies across countries and over time. I argue that shared firm nationality is a key determinant of contract sanctity. MNCs are likely to divert investments or exit in response to breach with a firm of the same nationality but unlikely to react in ways costly to the host government otherwise. At the level of the economy as a whole, host governments gain permissive space to trade-off among national groups of investors when a greater diversity of foreign direct investment nationalities is present. I use national-, firm-, and dyadic-level data from 1990 to 2008 to demonstrate nationality-tied firm responses to breach. Counterintuitively, deeper integration with more nationally diverse MNCs enables more breach, as governments gain space to prioritize other goals over the property and preferences of foreign capital.},
author = {Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
doi = {10.1177/0022002713503299},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wellhausen - 2015 - Investor–State Disputes When Can Governments Break Contracts.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0022-0027},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {foreign direct investment,multinational corporations,nationality,political risk},
month = {mar},
number = {2},
pages = {239--261},
title = {{Investor–State Disputes: When Can Governments Break Contracts?}},
url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0022002713503299},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Silve2018,
abstract = {Collaboration between two groups that may invest their resources in a common productive activity has the potential to lead to conflict over the output of that activity. This article examines the stakes of such conflict as well as the willingness for parties to subject themselves to a third-party arbiter. The model highlights three determinants of conflict and of investment in credibility-enhancing institutions: the value of the output, the relative endowments of the parties, and the mutual benefits of collaboration. In particular, the analysis shows that complementarity between the groups' resources lowers the stakes of political conflict and increases the incentives to commit. The model thus suggests a new mechanism through which we can understand the frequency of conflict and the poor institutions associated in countries with mineral resources. The model's predictions also help us to understand how Mauritius avoided the resource curse and was able to develop sustainable economic growth.},
author = {Silve, Arthur},
doi = {10.1177/0022002717693048},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Silve - 2018 - Asset Complementarity, Resource Shocks, and the Political Economy of Property Rights.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15528766},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {commodity prices,complementarity,conflict,natural resources,property rights},
number = {7},
pages = {1489--1516},
title = {{Asset Complementarity, Resource Shocks, and the Political Economy of Property Rights}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Arel-Bundock2019,
abstract = {When do governments impose costs on foreign firms? Many studies of foreign direct investment focus on incentives for government expropriation, but scholars are often forced to rely on indirect measures of expropriation to conduct empirical analyses. This article introduces a data set which includes information on over 5,000 political risk insurance contracts issued by the US Overseas Private Investment Corporation since 1961, and on all the claims filed by investors under these contracts. These detailed insurance data allow us to study the determinants of foreign investors' losses from a variety of sources, including expropriation, inconvertibility, and violent conflict. To illustrate the benefits of these data for hypothesis testing, we adopt a comprehensive empirical approach and explore both shared and distinct causes across risk categories.},
author = {Arel-Bundock, Vincent and Peinhardt, Clint and Pond, Amy},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Arel-Bundock, Peinhardt, Pond - 2019 - Political Risk Insurance A New Firm-level Data Set(2).pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {expropriation,foreign direct investment,inconvertibility,insurance,multinationals},
title = {{Political Risk Insurance: A New Firm-level Data Set}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Baccini2015,
abstract = {The proliferation of bilateral and regional trade agreements has arguably been the main change to the international trading system since the end of the Uruguay Round in the mid-1990s. We argue that investment discrimination plays a major role in this development. Preferential trade agreements can lead to investment discrimination because of tariff differentials on intermediary products and as a result of provisions that relax investment rules for the parties to the agreement. Excluded countries are sensitive to the costs that this investment discrimination imposes on domestic firms and react by signing a trade agreement that aims at leveling the playing field. We test our argument using a spatial econometric model and a newly compiled data set that includes 166 countries and covers a period of eighteen years (1990–2007). Our findings strongly support the argument that investment discrimination is a major driver of the proliferation of trade agreements.},
author = {Baccini, Leonardo and D{\"{u}}r, Andreas},
doi = {10.1177/0022002713516844},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baccini, D{\"{u}}r - 2015 - Investment Discrimination and the Proliferation of Preferential Trade Agreements.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15528766},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {diffusion,discrimination,foreign direct investments,preferential trade agreements},
number = {4},
pages = {617--644},
title = {{Investment Discrimination and the Proliferation of Preferential Trade Agreements}},
volume = {59},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Graham2018,
abstract = {This article analyzes an understudied and contested form of government taking, transfer restriction, which has supplanted expropriation as the most ubiquitous and costly type of international property rights violation. Veto-player-type constraints curtail governments' ability to engage in outright and (nontransfer related) creeping expropriation but have little impact on their ability to generate wealth via transfer restrictions. We use a formal model to derive testable implications regarding the effect of political institutions and domestic politics on governments' ability to collect these two types of rent. Empirically, we use novel time-series cross-sectional data to show that while veto-player-type political constraints diminish expropriation risk, transfer risk is much less affected: even constrained governments impose transfer restrictions.},
author = {Graham, Benjamin A.T. and Johnston, Noel P. and Kingsley, Allison F.},
doi = {10.1177/0022002717701181},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Graham, Johnston, Kingsley - 2018 - Even Constrained Governments Take The Domestic Politics of Transfer and Expropriation Risks.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15528766},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {FDI,game theory,investment,political economy,political risk},
number = {8},
pages = {1784--1813},
title = {{Even Constrained Governments Take: The Domestic Politics of Transfer and Expropriation Risks}},
volume = {62},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Garriga2014,
abstract = {Does development aid attract foreign direct investment (FDI) in post-conflict countries? This article contributes to the growing literature on effects of aid and on determinants of FDI by explaining how development aid in low-information environments is a signal that can attract investment. Before investing abroad, firms seek data on potential host countries. In post-conflict countries, reliable information is poor, in part because governments face unusual incentives to misrepresent information. In these conditions, firms look to signals. One is development aid, because donors tend to give more to countries they trust to properly handle the funds. Our results show that aid seems to draw FDI-however, this is conditional on whether the aid can be considered geostrategically motivated. We also show that this effect decreases as time elapses after the conflict. This suggests that aid's signaling effect is specific to low-information environments, and helps rule out alternative causal mechanisms linking aid and FDI. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2013.},
author = {Garriga, Ana C. and Phillips, Brian J.},
doi = {10.1177/0022002712467937},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Garriga, Phillips - 2014 - Foreign Aid as a Signal to Investors Predicting FDI in Post-conflict Countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15528766},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {FDI,aid,civil war,geostrategic aid,post-conflict},
number = {2},
pages = {280--306},
title = {{Foreign Aid as a Signal to Investors: Predicting FDI in Post-conflict Countries}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Avdan2014,
abstract = {Previous scholarship has largely failed to address the effect of economic interdependence on issue areas other than interstate conflict. This study seeks to redress this lacuna by focusing on states' visa policies and examining the impact of trade and capital interdependence in the context of transnational terrorism. The article argues that economic ties affect visa policies through a reconfiguration of preferences and the opportunity costs of economic loss and by tempering the impact of terrorism. To support this claim, the study conducts statistical analysis using directed dyad data on the visa policies of 207 states and independent political units. The article shows that the impact of economic interdependence is contingent on whether states are directly targeted in attacks of terrorism or face indirect threats from global terror. The study finds that economic incentives overwhelm security concerns when threats are indirect but have relatively limited influence, given threats against a state's own citizens or territory. {\textcopyright} The Author(s) 2013.},
author = {Avdan, Nazli},
doi = {10.1177/0022002713478795},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Avdan - 2014 - Controlling Access to Territory Economic Interdependence, Transnational Terrorism, and Visa Policies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15528766},
journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
keywords = {border control,economic interdependence,international migration,transnational terrorism,visa restrictions},
number = {4},
pages = {592--624},
title = {{Controlling Access to Territory: Economic Interdependence, Transnational Terrorism, and Visa Policies}},
volume = {58},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Meunier2017,
abstract = {The 2009 Lisbon Treaty transferred the competence over Foreign Direct Investment policy from the national to the supranational level. This article analyses the impact of this transfer on the content of international investment agreements and, more broadly, the shape of the investment regime complex. Is the competence shift expected to have an independent impact or simply reproduce and continue existing trends? Exploring these two conjectures through a combination of text analysis, primary materials, and interviews, we are making a Historical Institutionalist argument focusing on the timing and sequencing of international investment negotiations. While the competence shift has allowed the EU to innovate in developing its own approach to negotiating international investment agreements, notably with the proposal to create an Investment Court System, the novelty may be only at the surface as the constraints of past, current, and future negotiations restrict the options available to EU actors–we call this the space-time continuum. The result of this learning-and-reacting process is a new European approach which simultaneously duplicates and innovates and could eventually favour greater centralisation within the investment regime complex.},
author = {Meunier, Sophie and Morin, Jean Fr{\'{e}}d{\'{e}}ric},
doi = {10.1080/07036337.2017.1371706},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Meunier, Morin - 2017 - The European Union and the space-time continuum of investment agreements.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14772280},
journal = {Journal of European Integration},
keywords = {Dispute settlement,European Union,FDI,ISDS,investment},
number = {7},
pages = {891--907},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The European Union and the space-time continuum of investment agreements}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2017.1371706},
volume = {39},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Buchanan2019,
abstract = {While the social and political consequences of electoral violence are widely discussed in the literature, less is known about the economic repercussions of electoral violence. Our study investigates this dynamic, asking how episodes of electoral violence affect existing levels of foreign direct investment? We argue that, when managing their investments in foreign markets, multinational firms weigh the expected gains of the investment with the probability that the host country experiences significant lapses in political stability. Electoral violence signals a greater risk of this undesirable outcome and, thus, increases the probability that firms divest in favor of more favorable investment environments. Using firm-level data, we investigate the investment behavior of 77 multinational firms in 25 Sub-Saharan African countries from 1995 to 2008 with a series of logistic regression models. Directly modeling the choices that firms make with respect to yearly changes in investment, we demonstrate that firms are more likely to divest following events of electoral violence in a host country. This study carries important implications for our understanding of how electoral violence may undermine the economic stability of emerging economies},
author = {Doctor, Austin C. and Bagwell, Stephen},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Doctor, Bagwell - 2019 - Risky Business Foreign Direct Investment and the Economic Cosequences of Electoral Violence.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Global Security Studies},
keywords = {Foreign Direct Investment,Political Risk},
mendeley-tags = {Foreign Direct Investment,Political Risk},
title = {{Risky Business: Foreign Direct Investment and the Economic Cosequences of Electoral Violence}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Pinkham2017,
abstract = {Extending the literature on institutional voids, we introduce theory from law that highlights the ability of firms to choose the laws and enforcement mechanisms that govern their international joint ventures (IJVs). Specifically, firms may overcome institutional voids by borrowing institutions via binding international commercial arbitration (BICA) rather than relying on host-market institutions. Leveraging an institution-based view, we develop a theoretical framework to articulate the conditions under which IJV partners may choose BICA as opposed to domestic courts to overcome institutional voids in host markets.},
author = {Pinkham, Brian C. and Peng, Mike W.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-016-0026-z},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pinkham, Peng - 2017 - Overcoming institutional voids via arbitration.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Binding international commercial arbitration (BICA,Contracts,Institution-based view,Institutional voids,International joint ventures (IJVs),Transaction cost economics},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {344--359},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Overcoming institutional voids via arbitration}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Huang2019,
abstract = {This paper studies the spillover effect of import competition in downstream industries on upstream capital structure. We find that a large reduction in import tariffs in a customer industry induces suppliers to choose more conservative financial policies. We show that firms lower their leverage more when the customer–supplier relationship is more valuable to the firms and when firms are more vulnerable to the downstream shock. Finally, firms adjust their leverage mainly by issuing more equity.},
author = {Huang, Qianqian and Kim, Ryoonhee},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00225-9},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Huang, Kim - 2019 - Capital structure decisions along the supply chain Evidence from import competition.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {capital structure,customer–supplier links,globalization,import competition},
month = {aug},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Capital structure decisions along the supply chain: Evidence from import competition}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Jin2019,
abstract = {Extant research on inward foreign direct investment (FDI) suggests that foreign entrants bring superior technology with them to host countries, thereby providing local firms the opportunity to learn and upgrade their technologies. However, foreign entrants also increase competition in the local market, potentially harming domestic firms. In this study, we extend existing work on inward FDI by investigating the moderating role of technological capabilities on the relationship between inward FDI and local firm innovation. Building upon firm capabilities arguments, we expect that domestic firms with existing technological capabilities are better positioned to stave off foreign competition and better able to learn from foreign entrants. However, we find, somewhat surprisingly, that local technological leaders apply for fewer patents and introduce fewer new products than do local technological laggards subsequent to foreign entry. These results imply that technological capabilities do not buffer domestic firms from the deleterious competition consequences associated with inward FDI.},
author = {Jin, Byungchae and Garc{\'{i}}a, Francisco and Salomon, Robert},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0177-1},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jin, Garc{\'{i}}a, Salomon - 2019 - Inward foreign direct investment and local firm innovation The moderating role of technological capabilit.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {firm capabilities,foreign direct investment,inward FDI,knowledge transfer,technological innovation},
month = {jul},
number = {5},
pages = {847--855},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Inward foreign direct investment and local firm innovation: The moderating role of technological capabilities}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Sofka2014,
abstract = {We investigate the consequences of MNC subsidiary closures for employees who lose their jobs. In particular, we examine the extent to which the human capital that these employees acquired while employed by the MNC influences the wages they receive in their new jobs. We propose an employee displacement model for foreign MNC subsidiaries that integrates insights from the labor economics and international business literatures. We argue that a new employer will pay higher wages when signals indicate that potential employees have valuable, foreign human capital (e.g., the closed subsidiary was highly productive by host-country standards), and lower wages when signals indicate that potential employees have highly MNC-specific human capital (e.g., the employee had a long tenure in the closed subsidiary). We provide empirical evidence based on a sample of 110,133 displaced employees of closed MNC subsidiaries in Portugal. Our data set spans the period from 2005 to 2009. Showing that MNCs create a valuable pool of human capital for host-country firms when they close subsidiaries, our findings have important implications for research and practice. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business.},
author = {Sofka, Wolfgang and Preto, Miguel Torres and {De Faria}, Pedro},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.17},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sofka, Preto, De Faria - 2014 - MNC subsidiary closures What is the value of employees' human capital in new jobs.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {closure of MNC subsidiaries,displacement,human capital,labor economics},
number = {6},
pages = {723--750},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{MNC subsidiary closures: What is the value of employees' human capital in new jobs?}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Husted2016,
abstract = {We explore the impact of local legitimacy on the imitation of certification by subsidiaries of foreign multinational enterprises and domestic firms. We propose that MNE (multinational enterprise) subsidiaries and domestic firms differ in their propensity to imitate geographically proximate firms when deciding whether to adopt national vs global CSR (corporate social responsibility) certifications for two reasons. First, there are differences in the legitimacy they can expect to gain in different communities from adopting these certifications. Second, there are differences in their knowledge about the local legitimacy of these certifications. We test our hypotheses by studying the decisions of automotive suppliers in Mexico to certify either to ISO 14001, a global certification, or to Clean Industry, a national certification. We find that geography matters: MNE subsidiaries imitate national certifications by geographically proximate firms to overcome a liability of foreignness, while domestic firms imitate global certifications by proximate firms to overcome the disadvantages of localness. We explore the implications of our findings for institutional theory and future research.},
author = {Husted, Bryan W. and Montiel, Ivan and Christmann, Petra},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2016.3},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Husted, Montiel, Christmann - 2016 - Effects of local legitimacy on certification decisions to global and national CSR standards by mult.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {corporate social responsibility,emerging markets/countries/economies,geographic distance,liability of foreignness,location strategy},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {382--397},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Effects of local legitimacy on certification decisions to global and national CSR standards by multinational subsidiaries and domestic firms}},
volume = {47},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Marano2017,
abstract = {This article examines the link between the condition of institutional voids in emerging markets and the use of the practice of corporate social responsibility (CSR) reporting by emerging market multinational enterprises (EM-MNEs). Based on neo-institutional theory and in light of the specificity of emerging markets, we propose a positive relationship between institutional voids and CSR reporting. Home-country institutional voids push companies to internationalize as a way to escape the institutional constraints and inefficiencies in their own markets, but at the same time create legitimacy challenges for these companies abroad. In particular, EM-MNEs from less institutionally developed countries are likely to face liabilities of origin - negative perceptions in host countries about these firms' willingness and ability to conduct legitimate business. CSR reporting is an effective strategy to overcome such liabilities and barriers to legitimation as it conveys to host countries and global stakeholders alignment with global metanorms and expectations. Internationalization, listing on developed country stock exchanges, and time, further magnify EM-MNEs' legitimacy challenges and thus the use of CSR reporting to mitigate them. Our hypotheses are supported in a longitudinal study of 157 of the largest EM-MNEs ranked by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) between 2004 and 2011.},
author = {Marano, Valentina and Tashman, Peter and Kostova, Tatiana},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2016.17},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Marano, Tashman, Kostova - 2017 - Escaping the iron cage Liabilities of origin and CSR reporting of emerging market multinational enterp.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Corporate social responsibility,Emerging market multinationals,Institutional theory,Institutional voids,Legitimacy,Liabilities of origin},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {386--408},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Escaping the iron cage: Liabilities of origin and CSR reporting of emerging market multinational enterprises}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Brandl2019,
abstract = {International agreements and institutions affect innovation in developing countries. We analyze the impact of advanced country multinational enterprises (AMNEs) and supranational organizations on the regulatory adoption of global intellectual property protection standards. In particular, we investigate 60 developing countries that signed the Trade-relate Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) agreement of the World Trade Organization in 1994. Our empirical findings show that a greater involvement of AMNEs in the domestic innovation systems of developing countries results in more stringent TRIPS adoption and convergence to advanced country IP protection standards. This relationship is positively moderated by country dependency on supranational organizations such as the International Monetary Fund. This analysis contributes to the literature on institutional change and institutional voids. It provides insights into the influence of external actors on the underlying change processes.},
author = {Brandl, Kristin and Darendeli, Izzet and Mudambi, Ram},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0172-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brandl, Darendeli, Mudambi - 2019 - Foreign actors and intellectual property protection regulations in developing countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {developing countries,innovation system,institutional change theory,institutional voids,intellectual property protection},
month = {jul},
number = {5},
pages = {826--846},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Foreign actors and intellectual property protection regulations in developing countries}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Schwens2018,
abstract = {Despite extensive research, the literature is unclear about the circumstances under which a firm learns from its past foreign entry modes and how this experiential learning is related to future mode choices. Building on the internationalization process (IP) model and the idea that some experiential learning is location-bound, while other learning is non-location-bound, we develop and test theory to explain how experiential learning about foreign operation modes and markets impact future mode choices in new foreign markets. Overall, we argue that mode-based experiential learning is limited. Through the repeated use of a specific operation mode firms develop routines and processes that are non-location-bound and can be replicated in new foreign markets, leading to the use of this same mode type in new locations. But when complemented by experiential learning about a target market/region firms opt for operation modes with greater commitment in new foreign markets. Drawing on a sample of German SMEs and examining four different types of entry modes we find some support. However, we also identify a number of notable exceptions to our theory. In this way, we help provide unique new insights informing future IP model, experiential learning, and international entry mode research.},
author = {Schwens, Christian and Zapkau, Florian B. and Brouthers, Keith D. and Hollender, Lina},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0161-9},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Schwens et al. - 2018 - Limits to international entry mode learning in SMEs.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {foreign market entry,international experience,logistic regression,small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs)},
month = {sep},
number = {7},
pages = {809--831},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Limits to international entry mode learning in SMEs}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Gaur2018,
abstract = {What drives the outward foreign direct investments (OFDIs) by emerging market firms (EMFs)? Drawing on a strategy tripod framework, this article proposes a theoretical model to predict OFDI by EMFs from China. Specifically, we use institution- and industry-based views to examine two facets of home country environment, namely, the supportiveness from home government and unfavorableness from home industry, as important determinants of OFDI, and compare the relative strength of these effects. Further, we use the resourcebased view to argue that the effect of the home country environment is contingent on the international experience portfolios of EMFs.},
author = {Gaur, Ajai S. and Ma, Xufei and Ding, Zhujun},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0136-2},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gaur, Ma, Ding - 2018 - Home country supportivenessunfavorableness and outward foreign direct investment from China.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {emerging market firms,home country environment,international experience,outward FDI},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {324--345},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Home country supportiveness/unfavorableness and outward foreign direct investment from China}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Huang2018,
abstract = {US multinational corporations (MNCs) need to allocate decision rights between parent companies and subsidiaries to manage global operations. This article examines how the allocation of decision rights affects foreign earnings management of MNCs. I find that the extent of foreign earnings management increases when parents retain centralized decision rights. But internal cross-border frictions, between parents and their foreign subsidiaries, and the external local legal environment in which foreign subsidiaries operate can mitigate foreign earnings management despite parents having centralized decision rights. This study provides evidence on how the decision structures of MNCs affect where earnings are managed.},
author = {Huang, Jing},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0143-3},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Huang - 2018 - Foreign earnings management of US multinational companies The role of decision rights.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {agency theory,foreign earnings management,headquarters-subsidiary roles and relations,international financial reporting,multinational corporations and enterprises},
month = {jul},
number = {5},
pages = {552--574},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Foreign earnings management of US multinational companies: The role of decision rights}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@misc{Brannen2014,
abstract = {Language lies at the heart of international business (IB) activities, yet language as a key construct in the field of IB has not been sufficiently articulated or theorized. Language presents itself in forms such as national, corporate, technical or electronic, in functions in terms of defining hierarchies, exercising power or facilitating integration and in features such as the use of mixed syntax or gender-marking. Understanding the complex interplay between the multiple facets of language and how they affect day-to-day operations is becoming increasingly critical to global business effectiveness. The purpose of this special issue is, therefore, to catalyze and set a course for the development of a new domain in IB scholarship originating from an explicit focus on language. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business All rights reserved.},
author = {Brannen, Mary Yoko and Piekkari, Rebecca and Tietze, Susanne},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.24},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Brannen, Piekkari, Tietze - 2014 - The multifaceted role of language in international business Unpacking the forms, functions and featur.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {global business,knowledge transfer,language (language design,language strategy,lingua franca,silent language,translation)},
number = {5},
pages = {495--507},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{The multifaceted role of language in international business: Unpacking the forms, functions and features of a critical challenge to MNC theory and performance}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Farndale2017,
abstract = {This study explores patterns of human resource management (HRM) practices across market economies, and between indigenous firms and foreign MNE subsidiary operations, offering a novel perspective on convergence and divergence. Applying institutional theorizing to improve our understanding of convergence/divergence as a process and an outcome, data collected from nine countries at three points in time over a decade confirm that convergence and divergence occur to different extents in a nonlinear fashion, and vary depending on the area of HRM practice observed. Patterns of adoption and convergence/divergence are explained through the effect of institutional constraints, which vary between liberal and coordinated market economies, and between indigenous firms and foreign MNE subsidiaries. Specifically, we expected, and largely found supporting evidence confirming that compensation and wage-bargaining level practices show more evidence of being institutionally constrained, and hence were less likely to converge, than contingent employment, training, and direct information provision practices. The study contributes a more graded conceptualization of convergence/divergence (from constant no difference, through robust convergence, non-robust convergence, non-robust divergence, and robust divergence to constant difference), allowing us to tease out the subtle manifestations of the process that can incorporate the complex dynamic reality of international business.},
author = {Farndale, Elaine and Brewster, Chris and Ligthart, Paul and Poutsma, Erik},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0094-8},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Farndale et al. - 2017 - The effects of market economy type and foreign MNE subsidiaries on the convergence and divergence of HRM.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {HR diffusion across countries,comparative HRM,human resource management (HRM),international organizations,multilevel analysis,neo-institutional theory},
month = {dec},
number = {9},
pages = {1065--1086},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{The effects of market economy type and foreign MNE subsidiaries on the convergence and divergence of HRM}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Dinner2019,
abstract = {When multinational corporations face foreign marketing crises, the psychic distance between the home and host country represents a distinct challenge. This paper examines the curvilinear relationship between psychic distance and firm performance during marketing crises, and the moderating role of marketing capabilities. We test our hypotheses using an event study on a panel dataset of 217 firms based in 19 countries facing crises in 41 host countries. The results show that (1) marketing crises are most harmful when the host country is either very close or far away and (2) firms can mitigate this effect with marketing capabilities.},
author = {Dinner, Isaac M. and Kushwaha, Tarun and Steenkamp, Jan Benedict E.M.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0187-z},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dinner, Kushwaha, Steenkamp - 2019 - Psychic distance and performance of MNCs during marketing crises.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {international marketing,marketing capabilities,marketing crisis,marketing strategy,psychic distance,psychic distance stimuli},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {339--364},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Psychic distance and performance of MNCs during marketing crises}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Grøgaard2019,
abstract = {We use internalization theory to analyze the establishment and entry mode decisions of state-owned (SOE) and privately owned (POE) enterprises. We enrich internalization theory by building on insights from economic theory of corporate governance and taking into account particular characteristics of SOEs such as non-economic motivations, long-term orientation, and different risk preferences. We examine foreign entries over a 10-year period in the Canadian oil and gas industry. This single-country and single-industry context features foreign SOEs and POEs from a wide range of home countries, allowing a focused study of the combined influence of state ownership and home-country factors. Compared to POEs, SOEs tend to prefer acquiring stand-alone assets rather than firms, and to take lower ownership shares. We also find that differences between SOEs and POEs diminish when home countries are characterized by high government quality and market orientation and identify differences between types of SOEs, with partially owned SOEs exhibiting behaviors more similar to POEs than fully owned SOEs. We demonstrate how our enrichment of internalization theory strengthens its predictive and explanatory capacity. Our results also show that SOEs from strong and market-oriented institutional environments are similar to POEs and can be studied using the traditional internalization theory.},
author = {Gr{\o}gaard, Birgitte and Rygh, Asmund and Benito, Gabriel R.G.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00237-5},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gr{\o}gaard, Rygh, Benito - 2019 - Bringing corporate governance into internalization theory State ownership and foreign entry strategies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {corporate governance,foreign market entry,internalization theory,multinational enterprise,oil and gas industry,state ownership},
month = {oct},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Bringing corporate governance into internalization theory: State ownership and foreign entry strategies}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Sui2014,
abstract = {Does "born-global" internationalization enhance or threaten a firm's chances for survival in the export market? Despite the ongoing debate about born-global firms, we know little about what drives their survival in the export market. In particular, different theories yield conflicting predictions regarding whether born-global internationalization is superior or inferior to born-regional internationalization or gradual internationalization. Analyzing a longitudinal data set (from 1997 to 2005) of 1959 newly established Canadian small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), we show that no single strategy is superior per se but that internationalization strategy moderates the relative importance of resources to SMEs' survival abroad. Although resources are important for the survival of all SMEs, the relative importance of slack resources and innovation resources are most important for born-global firms followed by born-regional firms, and are the least important for gradual internationalizers. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business.},
author = {Sui, Sui and Baum, Matthias},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.11},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sui, Baum - 2014 - Internationalization strategy, firm resources and the survival of SMEs in the export market.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {duration models,exports,global strategy,internationalization,secondary data source},
number = {7},
pages = {821--841},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Internationalization strategy, firm resources and the survival of SMEs in the export market}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@misc{Mudambi2018,
abstract = {IB scholars have long studied the multinational enterprise (MNE) and now recognize that its ability to capture value stems from its control of bottleneck assets. In contrast, economic geographers and regional scientists have largely focused their attention on the locations within which economic and business systems operate. In this article, we draw on both these literatures. We emphasize that the MNE's integration of upstream and downstream strategic considerations to maximize its control of bottleneck assets implies an optimal geographic footprint. This optimal footprint is typically asymmetric, with a spatial scale that varies dramatically across the different activities of the value chain. Upstream innovation processes are likely to be based on highly local considerations like the availability of specialized resources and collocation advantages. In contrast, downstream sales and marketing processes are likely to driven by imperatives of high volume and global reach. Further, in the current fast clockspeed business environment, the location and nature of bottleneck assets are likely to change rapidly and unpredictably, making organizational flexibility a crucial MNE capability.},
author = {Mudambi, Ram and Li, Lee and Ma, Xufei and Makino, Shige and Qian, Gongming and Boschma, Ron},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0158-4},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mudambi et al. - 2018 - Zoom in, zoom out Geographic scale and multinational activity.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {economic geography,knowledge management,knowledge transfer and innovation in MNCs/MNEs},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {929--941},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Zoom in, zoom out: Geographic scale and multinational activity}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Li2018a,
abstract = {Firms and governments operate in broad networks in which the home government and its diplomatic service are a critical node - or a "referral point" - between firms and potential partners in foreign locations. Thus diplomatic relations between countries matter for the choice of foreign investment location. Using a network perspective, we argue that the extent to which good diplomatic relations induce firms to invest in friendly host countries depends on their political connections to home governments. Those with stronger ties to home governments can better access and leverage intergovernmental diplomatic connections, thus benefiting potentially from enhanced access to information, reduced political risks, and increased legitimacy. Such ability of politically connected firms is more useful where weak institutional impartiality in the host country inhibits neutral treatment of foreign investors. Empirically, using overseas investment location decisions by Chinese firms, we find that the types of home government ties (i.e., whether they are organizational or personal and whether those relationships are with central or local goverments) and the impartiality of host institutions are both important contingencies affecting firms' utilization of diplomatic relations. We discuss the implications of our study to research on network theory, political ties, and internationalization of emerging market firms.},
author = {Li, Jing and Meyer, Klaus E. and Zhang, Hua and Ding, Yuan},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0098-4},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Li et al. - 2018 - Diplomatic and corporate networks Bridges to foreign locations.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Chinese multinationals,diplomatic relations,foreign location choice,network theory,political ties,state-controlled firms},
month = {aug},
number = {6},
pages = {743--752},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Diplomatic and corporate networks: Bridges to foreign locations}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Mohr2018,
abstract = {We adopt a Penrosean perspective to study the effect of rapid international expansion on the subsequent divestment of international operations. We draw on regional strategy theory and differentiate Penrosean managerial resources by their geographical fungibility to argue that the effect of rapid international expansion on the divestment of international operations varies with the regional patterns of firms' international expansion and international experience. We test our hypotheses using two-stage least squares (2SLS) estimation on data that capture the international expansion and divestment of retailers over the period 2003–2012.},
author = {Mohr, Alex and Batsakis, Georgios and Stone, Zita},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0138-0},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mohr, Batsakis, Stone - 2018 - Explaining the effect of rapid internationalization on horizontal foreign divestment in the retail sector.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {foreign divestment,internationalization speed,managerial resources,penrose effect,regional strategy theory,retailers},
month = {sep},
number = {7},
pages = {779--808},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Explaining the effect of rapid internationalization on horizontal foreign divestment in the retail sector: An extended Penrosean perspective}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Geary2016,
abstract = {This article contributes to the growing stream of research on power and micropolitics in the MNE. It is situated in the critical realist epistemology. It adopts Burawoy's extended case study method together with a context-sensitive and an actor-centered mode of explanation. The case is intriguing: a MNE from Brazil expands into Canada, the United Kingdom, Switzerland and Norway and imposes a new pay and performance management system, contrasting with existing host norms. The article uses this to examine interrelated questions about the influence of an emerging-economy parent business system and how this interacts with the well-developed institutional regulation of the host countries. Hence we are forced into the interesting realm of multilevel analysis about MNEs, power relations and institutional change. We argue that the transfer of HRM practices within MNEs is best explained by a consideration of institutions, organizational structures, actors' postures within and beyond the MNE, and their relational interplay. Specifically, it requires an analysis of the macro-political context (home and host institutional influences; subsidiaries' size, mode of establishment, history, value chain location; and the host economies' dependence on foreign investment) on which actors' identities and interests are formed, and on which the ensuing micro-political relations are played out.},
author = {Geary, John and Aguzzoli, Roberta},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2016.24},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Geary, Aguzzoli - 2016 - Miners, politics and institutional caryatids Accounting for the transfer of HRM practices in the Brazilian mult.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Critical realism,Emerging market multinationals,Institutional theory,International human resource management,Multilevel analysis,Power and dependence},
month = {dec},
number = {8},
pages = {968--996},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Miners, politics and institutional caryatids: Accounting for the transfer of HRM practices in the Brazilian multinational enterprise}},
volume = {47},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Duanmu2014,
abstract = {Expropriation risk has a binding effect on foreign direct investment (FDI). However, state-owned multinational corporations may counter the monopoly power of the host state by leveraging the political influence of their home government. The magnitude of this counter force, we argue, may vary, depending on the strength of political relations between the home and host state, and the level of economic dependence of the host country on the home market. We find supporting evidence of our hypotheses using Chinese firm-level FDI information between 2003 and 2010.},
author = {Duanmu, Jing Lin},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.16},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Duanmu - 2014 - State-owned MNCs and host country expropriation risk The role of home state soft power and economic gunboat diplomacy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {economic diplomacy,expropriation risk,foreign direct investment (FDI),political relationships,state-owned enterprises},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {1044--1060},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{State-owned MNCs and host country expropriation risk: The role of home state soft power and economic gunboat diplomacy}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kano2018,
abstract = {Global value chain (GVC) governance is an established field within international business research, yet the relational aspects of GVCs have, to date, garnered less scholarly attention than have efficiency considerations. This conceptual study's objective is to explore the relational dynamics of GVC governance using an internalization theory perspective, and by linking GVC research with insights from the business network literature. GVCs are argued to be a distinct form of asymmetrical networks, associated with economizing and capability creation features, as well as costs. The orchestrating firm can thus enhance efficiency outcomes of the GVC using social mechanisms similar to those adopted by core actors in a business network. In the study, six such mechanisms were identified: (1) selectivity, (2) inclusion of non-business intermediaries, (3) joint strategizing, (4) relational capital, (5) multilateral feedback, and (6) rules for equitable value distribution. While safeguarding the GVC's efficiency, the above social mechanisms are associated with challenges and limitations, and therefore do not guarantee international competitive success. However, deployed in an integrative fashion, these social mechanisms facilitate coordination (thus economizing on bounded rationality), reduce the hazards of imperfect effort by partners (thus economizing on bounded reliability), and foster innovation and new capability development.},
author = {Kano, Liena},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0086-8},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kano - 2018 - Global value chain governance A relational perspective.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Bounded rationality,Bounded reliability,Global value chains,Gsymmetrical network,Internalization theory,Orchestrating firm,Role of head office,Social mechanisms},
month = {aug},
number = {6},
pages = {659--683},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Global value chain governance: A relational perspective}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Tashman2019,
abstract = {Research shows that emerging market multinational enterprises (EM-MNEs) increasingly use corporate social responsibility (CSR) reporting as a global legitimation strategy. Less is known about when their CSR reporting is decoupled from their CSR performance. Drawing on neo-institutional theory, we argue that EM-MNEs' CSR decoupling is shaped by their dual embeddedness in their home countries and the global institutional environment. We then examine how EM-MNEs' home country institutional voids and degree of internationalization affect their tendency to engage in such decoupling. Our model receives partial support in a study of 93 MNEs from 15 emerging markets between 2005 and 2012.},
author = {Tashman, Peter and Marano, Valentina and Kostova, Tatiana},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0171-7},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tashman, Marano, Kostova - 2019 - Walking the walk or talking the talk Corporate social responsibility decoupling in emerging market mul.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {corporate social responsibility,decoupling,emerging market multinationals,institutional voids,liabilities of origin,neo-institutional theory},
month = {mar},
number = {2},
pages = {153--171},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Walking the walk or talking the talk? Corporate social responsibility decoupling in emerging market multinationals}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Nguyen2018,
abstract = {We explore the link between uncertainty in economic policy, firm-level FDI, and firm hedging behavior - building upon a newspaper-based index of economic policy uncertainty (EPU). We find that the relative difference in EPU between home and host country has a significant relationship with FDI. Firms increase their FDI level in countries, which have a low level of EPU relative to their home country. In addition, firms use derivatives more intensively in response to an increase in EPU. Interestingly, the link between EPU and corporate derivatives use varies according to the type of firm. Domestic MNCs make the most effective use of derivatives to hedge against EPU exposure.},
author = {Nguyen, Quang and Kim, Trang and Papanastassiou, Marina},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0090-z},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Nguyen, Kim, Papanastassiou - 2018 - Policy uncertainty, derivatives use, and firm-level FDI.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Derivatives use,Economic policy uncertainty,Firm FDI,Hedging behavior,Risk exposure},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {96--126},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Policy uncertainty, derivatives use, and firm-level FDI}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Monteiro2015,
abstract = {Multinational corporations (MNCs) frequently use their foreign subsidiaries to identify new opportunities to access external knowledge. This article builds on the attention-based view to examine how selective attention - the focus on certain issues or answers at the exclusion of others - works in the global knowledge-sourcing process in MNCs. The results reveal an intriguing paradox: while MNCs may establish foreign subsidiaries far from headquarters to identify diverse, novel knowledge, and overcome local search, headquarters' decision makers tend to favor opportunities that are market proven and simply confirm what the MNC already knows. Subsidiary managers' pre-selling and selling efforts, however, can play a pivotal role in overcoming that bias. This study combines detailed qualitative data with access to a proprietary database on 137 external knowledge-sourcing opportunities in one of the world's largest MNCs in the telecommunications sector.},
author = {Monteiro, L. Felipe},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.72},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Monteiro - 2015 - Selective attention and the initiation of the global knowledge-sourcing process in multinational corporations.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {attention-based view,headquarters-subsidiary roles and relations,knowledge acquisition and sharing,knowledge sourcing,knowledge transfer and innovation in MNCs/MNEs,knowledge-based view},
month = {jun},
number = {5},
pages = {505--527},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Selective attention and the initiation of the global knowledge-sourcing process in multinational corporations}},
volume = {46},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Benito2019,
abstract = {In a research note in this issue, Strange and Humphrey discuss how a global value chain (GVC) approach serves to usefully move internalization theory towards a better understanding of the increasingly important ‘middle ground' between markets and hierarchies in the contemporary highly globalized international business scene. After a brief recount of their main arguments, we argue that their discussion needs to the extended, as it does not adequately recognize important differences between internalization theory and the GVC approach. Specifically, the approaches differ on the notions of efficiency, opportunism, and level of analysis. We then argue that internalization theory can benefit from the systemic view implied in the GVC approach, and discuss the role of trust as a coordinating mechanism in international business. This leads to a more general discussion of internalization theory and the difficulty of encompassing dynamic considerations such as learning and foreign operation mode combinations and flexibility within value chain interdependencies. We conclude with a research agenda that flows from our discussion.},
author = {Benito, Gabriel R.G. and Petersen, Bent and Welch, Lawrence S.},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00218-8},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Benito, Petersen, Welch - 2019 - The global value chain and internalization theory.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {foreign operation modes,global value chains,internalization theory,multinational corporations},
month = {oct},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{The global value chain and internalization theory}},
year = {2019}
}
@misc{,
abstract = {Since this paper was first published, the publisher has been informed of an additional contributing author that should have been included. The authorship has now been corrected online, and the author's biographical sketch has been added. No other changes have been made to the text.},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0124-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Unknown - 2018 - Correction to Policy uncertainty, derivatives use, and firm-level FDI (Journal of International Business Studies (2017).pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
month = {feb},
number = {2},
pages = {248},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Correction to: Policy uncertainty, derivatives use, and firm-level FDI (Journal of International Business Studies (2017) DOI: 10.1057/s41267-017-0090-z)}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Chung2015,
abstract = {This research proposes a strategic human capital alignment framework to examine whether the alignment between subsidiary strategy (i.e., export-oriented vs local market-oriented strategy) and human capital (i.e., parent firm vs local-specific human capital) is positively related to subsidiary performance in multinational enterprises (MNEs). We further explore two important exogenous (i.e., foreign exchange rate change) and endogenous (i.e., MNE international experience) boundary conditions, since they may adjust the positive effect of strategic human capital alignment on performance. The analysis, based on 5604 subsidiary observations of 423 MNEs from 1990 to 2012, confirms the positive synergic effect of aligning subsidiary strategy and human capital and shows the moderating effects of foreign exchange rate change and MNE international experience. By presenting the importance of subsidiary strategy-global staffing alignment and the roles of external economic environments and internal organizational capabilities as boundary conditions, the strategic human capital alignment framework suggests that what makes human capital valuable for the firm is its alignment with strategic orientation. Thus managers should carefully deploy the appropriate type of human capital to fulfill the requisite organizational strategy and take into account changing external and internal contextual conditions in applying the framework.},
author = {Chung, Chris Changwha and Park, Hye Youn and Lee, Jeoung Yul and Kim, Kwanghyun},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2015.15},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chung et al. - 2015 - Human capital in multinational enterprises Does strategic alignment matter.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Human capital,exchange rates,international experience,multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,strategic alignment},
month = {sep},
number = {7},
pages = {806--829},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Human capital in multinational enterprises: Does strategic alignment matter"}},
volume = {46},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Shi2017,
abstract = {We develop the concept of institutional fragility to investigate the outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) behavior of firms from emerging economies. When different dimensions of institutions are not progressing at the same pace, internal friction and conflict arise during institutional development. Such fragility could push a firm to escape its home country as a strategic response. Using a sample of 578,360 Chinese firm-year observations over a 10-year period, we find that institutional fragility at the provincial level is associated with increased OFDI decision. This relationship is weaker when firms have high productivity or have been controlled by state with high ownership, stronger when firms have a high level of export network. Overall, our institutional fragility perspective extends and enriches the institution-based view and offers new insights into OFDI behavior.},
author = {Shi, Weilei Stone and Sun, Sunny Li and Yan, Daying and Zhu, Zhu},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-016-0050-z},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Shi et al. - 2017 - Institutional fragility and outward foreign direct investment from China.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {emerging economies,institution-based view,market-based reform,outward foreign direct investment},
month = {may},
number = {4},
pages = {452--476},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Institutional fragility and outward foreign direct investment from China}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@misc{Aguilera2019,
abstract = {We review four decades of research about the corporate governance of multinational corporations (MNCs), which we label International Corporate Governance (ICG). We identify and discuss three main streams of research that draw on different conceptualizations and theoretical lenses of (corporate) governance. After synthesizing their respective findings, we propose several avenues for future research that integrate these three streams of research with the goal of developing a more nuanced understanding of ICG. We hope this review article will inspire international business scholars to continue examining how corporate governance can be an effective tool for MNC success.},
author = {Aguilera, Ruth V. and Marano, Valentina and Haxhi, Ilir},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00232-w},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aguilera, Marano, Haxhi - 2019 - International corporate governance A review and opportunities for future research.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {comparative organizational studies,corporate governance,headquarters–subsidiary roles and relations,international corporate governance,multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,ownership/control structures},
month = {jun},
number = {4},
pages = {457--498},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{International corporate governance: A review and opportunities for future research}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Obadia2015,
abstract = {A foreign distributor's motivation to perform local marketing tasks for an exporter is often poor due to agency conflicts and transaction cost constraints characterizing the export channel. While exporters may engage in actions such as offering incentives and overseeing partner activities to improve foreign marketing, such intrusions into partner operations often fail to enhance the distributor's role performance. Drawing on motivation theory, the authors develop a model explaining the efficiency of different incentive types in enhancing the distributor's motivational context to act on behalf of the exporter, thereby improving relationship quality, distributor relationship-specific investments, and, consequently, distributor role performance. The authors use a sample of 278 European exporters to test hypotheses regarding relationship factors that mediate and moderate the incentive-role performance relationship. The results indicate that the impact of low-powered incentives (LPIs) substitutes for the effect of high-powered incentives on relationship quality and specific investments, the key mediators driving distributor role performance. In addition, exporter oversight of distributor activities weakens the effectiveness of LPIs to increase distributor-specific investment. The authors derive implications for designing portfolios of incentives, with inferences based on efficiently matching incentive-induced motivational context with foreign distributor's actions required to accomplish exporter goals.},
author = {Obadia, Claude and Bello, Daniel C. and Gilliland, David I.},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2015.17},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Obadia, Bello, Gilliland - 2015 - Effect of exporter's incentives on foreign distributor's role performance.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {channel governance,export marketing (or, export/import marketing),importer role performance,incentives,inter-organizational relationships,psychic distance},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {960--983},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Effect of exporter's incentives on foreign distributor's role performance}},
volume = {46},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Teece2014,
abstract = {This paper develops a dynamic capabilities-based theory of the multinational enterprise (MNE). It first reviews scholarship on the MNE, with a focus on what has come to be known as "internalization" theory. One prong of this theory develops contractual/transaction cost-informed governance perspectives; and another develops technology transfer and capabilities perspectives. In this paper, it is suggested that the latter has been somewhat neglected. However, if fully integrated as part of a more complete approach, it can buttress transaction cost/governance issues and expand the range of phenomena that can be explained. In this more integrated framework, dynamic capabilities coupled with good strategy are seen as necessary to sustain superior enterprise performance, especially in fast-moving global environments. Entrepreneurial management and transformational leadership are incorporated into a capabilities theory of the MNE. The framework is then used to explain how strategy and dynamic capabilities together determine firm-level sustained competitive advantage in global environments. It is suggested that this framework complements contract-based perspectives on the MNE and can help integrate international management and international business perspectives.},
author = {Teece, David J.},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2013.54},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Teece - 2014 - A dynamic capabilities-based entrepreneurial theory of the multinational enterprise.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9781137544711},
issn = {00472506},
keywords = {competitive advantage,dynamic capabilities and capability development,entrepreneurship business strategy,intellectual capital,internationalization theories and foreign market e,or transaction cost analysis,transaction cost economics,transaction cost theory},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {8--37},
title = {{A dynamic capabilities-based entrepreneurial theory of the multinational enterprise}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Witte2017,
abstract = {The relationship between political violence and greenfield foreign direct investment is contingent on the type of violence, the characteristics of the investment-receiving sector, and the international scope of the investing firm. Analysis using a dynamic fixed effects model for a panel of 90 developing countries shows that nationwide political conflict is negatively associated with total and nonresource-related greenfield FDI, but not with resource-related greenfield FDI. The insensitivity of resource FDI to political conflict is explained by the high profitability of natural-resource extraction and geographic constraints on location choice. In the nonresource sector, the least geographically diversified firms are most sensitive to conflict. Other types of political violence, including intermittent violence in the form of terrorist acts and assassinations, or persistent but low-impact events, such as political terror, have no effect on the location choice decisions of multinational enterprises. These findings inform the strategies of multinationals with a nuanced and much-needed understanding of the effects of political violence and the risks it poses to their businesses.},
author = {Witte, Caroline T. and Burger, Martijn J. and Ianchovichina, Elena I. and Pennings, Enrico},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0079-7},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Witte et al. - 2017 - Dodging bullets The heterogeneous effect of political violence on greenfield FDI.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {economic geography,foreign direct investment (FDI),heterogeneity,political conflict,political risk,political violence},
month = {sep},
number = {7},
pages = {862--892},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Dodging bullets: The heterogeneous effect of political violence on greenfield FDI}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Filippaios2019,
abstract = {We study the influence of a country's political governance on its attractiveness to foreign direct investors. We argue that democracy is not a unidimensional concept and that the effect of host-country political governance on incoming foreign direct investment (FDI) differs depending on whether FDI originates from a democratic or an autocratic country. We also hypothesize that the effect of civil liberties depends on the motivations of investing multinational enterprises (MNEs) and that human capital moderates this relationship. We test our hypotheses on a sample of 35,000 investments in emerging and developing countries between 2003 and 2013.},
author = {Filippaios, Fragkiskos and Annan-Diab, Fatima and Hermidas, Amir and Theodoraki, Charikleia},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00239-3},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Filippaios et al. - 2019 - Political governance, civil liberties, and human capital Evaluating their effect on foreign direct investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {civil liberties,foreign direct investment,human capital,investment motivations,political governance},
month = {sep},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Political governance, civil liberties, and human capital: Evaluating their effect on foreign direct investment in emerging and developing economies}},
year = {2019}
}
@misc{Song2014,
abstract = {The paper reviews extant literature on subsidiary absorptive capacity and knowledge transfer within multinational corporations (MNCs), and proposes an agenda for future research on the relationship between these two constructs. It suggests that motivation should be viewed as a moderating factor between subsidiary absorptive capacity and MNC knowledge transfer, and that future research should make a clear distinction between the choices of MNC headquarters and those of subsidiaries regarding knowledge transfer. The paper proposes that a more comprehensive, multi-level framework and dynamic model of the determinants of subsidiary absorptive capacity and MNC knowledge transfer be developed in future studies.},
author = {Song, Jaeyong},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2013.55},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Song - 2014 - Subsidiary absorptive capacity and knowledge transfer within multinational corporations.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00472506},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {73--84},
title = {{Subsidiary absorptive capacity and knowledge transfer within multinational corporations}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Hutzschenreuter2017,
abstract = {Learning and knowledge are crucial to the internationalization process of the firm. Johanson and Vahlne (1977, 2009) put gaining experience, i.e., learning and accumulating knowledge at the heart of their internationalization model. We posit that the IB field has perhaps moved too fast from conceptual work to quantitative empirical studies, not devoting sufficient attention to the idea of experiential learning, either conceptually or empirically. We look at the most cited internationalization studies to assess their theoretical and empirical contributions to experiential learning and knowledge stock accumulation and to the important role played by the portfolio of MNE subsidiaries as a knowledge source. We extend theory by carefully laying out how a growing portfolio of subsidiaries leads to accumulation of particular kinds of knowledge stocks, which can help with subsequent expansion moves. We show also how the concept of added distance supports this argumentation, thereby contributing to the theoretical and empirical work on the further internationalizing MNE.},
author = {Hutzschenreuter, Thomas and Matt, Tanja},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0105-9},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hutzschenreuter, Matt - 2017 - MNE internationalization patterns, the roles of knowledge stocks, and the portfolio of MNE subsidiaries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {MNE theory,added distance,experiential learning,internationalization,knowledge stock,subsidiary portfolio},
month = {dec},
number = {9},
pages = {1131--1150},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{MNE internationalization patterns, the roles of knowledge stocks, and the portfolio of MNE subsidiaries}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Girma2019,
abstract = {The attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) is considered to be of particular importance for emerging economies because it represents a channel through which international convergence in standards of living may be achieved. One important effect of FDI is its impact on wages, both within the targeted firm (direct) and the local firms within the same geographic region and sector (indirect). In this paper, we investigate the question whether multinational enterprises (MNEs) raise or lower wages directly and indirectly, both theoretically and empirically. Importantly, the magnitude of these changes may depend on how many firms in the sector are already foreign-owned. Generally, the effect of MNEs on wages has not been studied as intensively in the international business (IB) literature as other aspects of FDI, and ours is the first article to specifically investigate the moderating effect of variation in foreign employment shares across industry–province cells (clusters). Using Chinese data on 146,199 firms, we estimate the direct wage effect of foreign ownership to be positive and to increase with the employment share of foreign-owned firms. We also find that the indirect effect on domestic wages varies with the foreign share and may even turn negative.},
author = {Girma, Sourafel and G{\"{o}}rg, Holger and Kersting, Erasmus},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00248-2},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Girma, G{\"{o}}rg, Kersting - 2019 - Which boats are lifted by a foreign tide Direct and indirect wage effects of foreign ownership.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {MNEs and wage effects in emerging markets,econometrics,knowledge and productivity spillovers,multilevel analysis,theory of FDI and the MNE (ownership–location–inte},
month = {aug},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Which boats are lifted by a foreign tide? Direct and indirect wage effects of foreign ownership}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Narula2019,
abstract = {Internalization theory has provided a resilient analytical framework that explicitly or implicitly underlines much of International Business scholarship. Internalization theory is not a monolithic body of knowledge; instead, it has devolved into several ‘streams', each of which focuses on the interests of particular epistemic communities, while also acting as a more generic organizing framework for those more broadly interested in its application to real-world challenges. Following a review of the various streams, we trace the frontiers of current research of the broader internalization framework and identify emerging themes raised by the papers in the special issue. These include transaction cost considerations in the bundling and recombination of assets across diverse contexts, the growing relevance of quasi-internalization, the theoretical challenges of (bounded) rationality for internalization theory, and the increasing disconnect between ownership, control and responsibility. These developments point to new research frontiers for scholars looking to apply or advance internalization theory.},
author = {Narula, Rajneesh and Asmussen, Christian Geisler and Chi, Tailan and Kundu, Sumit Kumar},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00260-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Narula et al. - 2019 - Applying and advancing internalization theory The multinational enterprise in the twenty-first century.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0047-2506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {1231--1252},
publisher = {Springer Science and Business Media LLC},
title = {{Applying and advancing internalization theory: The multinational enterprise in the twenty-first century}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Peltokorpi2014,
abstract = {This paper focuses on the multifaceted role of language and language-sensitive recruitment in knowledge transfer in multinational corporations (MNCs). In particular, we develop a framework that helps to better understand how language-sensitive recruitment is related to competence, networks, identity, and power. We started by conducting a qualitative interview-based study of 101 MNC subsidiaries. This analysis elucidates the productive and counterproductive effects of language-sensitive recruitment on knowledge transfer related to communication competence, networks, identity, and power. To further understand the productive and counterproductive effects, we conducted a quantitative study in 285 MNC subsidiaries. We found an inverted U-shaped relationship between language-sensitive recruitment and knowledge transfer. Together, these two studies provide a better understanding of the multifaceted and at times counterintuitive implications of language-sensitive recruitment on knowledge transfer in MNCs. By elucidating these effects, this paper contributes to the stream of research examining the role of language in MNCs and international business more generally. It further adds to research on MNC knowledge transfer that to date has focused little attention on language. By elaborating on the potential unintended consequences of language-sensitive recruitment, this paper also has implications for international human resource management research. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business All rights reserved.},
author = {Peltokorpi, Vesa and Vaara, Eero},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.1},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Peltokorpi, Vaara - 2014 - Knowledge transfer in multinational corporations Productive and counterproductive effects of language-sensiti.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {identity,knowledge transfer,language (language design,language-sensitive recruitment,multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,networks,power,silent language,translation)},
number = {5},
pages = {600--622},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Knowledge transfer in multinational corporations: Productive and counterproductive effects of language-sensitive recruitment}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{DaSilvaLopes2018,
abstract = {This article engages in a methodological experiment by using historical evidence to challenge a common misperception about internalization theory. The theory has often been criticized for maintaining that it assumes a hierarchically organized MNE based on knowledge flowing from the home country. This is not an accurate description of how global firms operate in recent decades, but this article shows it has never been true historically. Using longitudinal data on individual firms from the nineteenth century onwards, it reveals evidence of how entrepreneurs and firms with multinational activity faced with market imperfections changed the design of their headquarters and their organizational structures.},
author = {{da Silva Lopes}, Teresa and Casson, Mark and Jones, Geoffrey},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0156-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/da Silva Lopes, Casson, Jones - 2018 - Organizational innovation in the multinational enterprise Internalization theory and business his.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {business history,entrepreneurship business strategy,internalization theory,organization and management},
month = {oct},
pages = {1--21},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Organizational innovation in the multinational enterprise: Internalization theory and business history}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Liang2015,
abstract = {Integrating agency theory with institutional analysis in international business, we propose a state-control perspective to analyze government-control mechanisms in emerging economies' globalization of state-owned enterprises (SOEs). We identify two types of state control that influence SOEs' globalization decisions and the degree of globalization (DOG): state ownership control and executives' political connections, both of which are contingent upon the home country's evolving institutional environments. Using a two-step corporate globalization decision model and 17,272 firm - year observations of non-financial, Chinese-listed companies, we find a strong impact of both types of state control on SOEs' globalization, although the impacts differ between the periods before and after domestic governance reform and across different globalization decision steps. The diminishing impact of executives' political connections and the increasing impact of state ownership control on firms' DOG demonstrate the evolving relationship between the state and the managers, as well as the dynamics of state control in globalizing SOEs.},
author = {Liang, Hao and Ren, Bing and Sun, Sunny Li},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.35},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Liang, Ren, Sun - 2015 - An anatomy of state control in the globalization of state-owned enterprises.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {agency theory,corporate globalization,political relationships,state control,state-owned enterprises},
month = {feb},
number = {2},
pages = {223--240},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{An anatomy of state control in the globalization of state-owned enterprises}},
volume = {46},
year = {2015}
}
@misc{Luo2019,
abstract = {This study reviews research from 1970 through 2016 on developed country multinational enterprises (DMNEs) entering and competing in developing economies. To identify the current state of knowledge of this research and push it further, we review the literature using bibliometric and qualitative content analyses covering leading journals and books. We articulate frontier issues that are understudied yet critical to both theorization and practice of DMNEs in developing economies. We discuss the findings and conclusions from prior research along five key areas: (1) entering developing economies, (2) organizing local activities, (3) managing alliances and joint ventures, (4) competing in dynamic environments, and (5) dealing with institutions, governments and society. We offer prospective insights into future agenda that have important implications for MNE strategies and decisions, and propose frontier directions that encompass strategic localization, reverse transfer and adaptation, co-evolution with local business ecosystems, reorganizing and restructuring, and strategic responses to institutional and market complexity.},
author = {Luo, Yadong and Zhang, Huan and Bu, Juan},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00230-y},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Luo, Zhang, Bu - 2019 - Developed country MNEs investing in developing economies Progress and prospect.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {developing economies,global strategy,multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,qualitative review},
month = {jun},
number = {4},
pages = {633--667},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Developed country MNEs investing in developing economies: Progress and prospect}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Haley2014,
abstract = {Internationalization deals with expansion across space and time. Researchers have framed internationalization as market growth and expansion through foreign direct investment (FDI). We use narrative theory to frame a bigger, richer picture. Using Mikhail Bakhtin's typology of nine space-time conceptions and directed observations of McDonald's Corporation, we show how multinational enterprises (MNEs) create narratives of internationalization to mitigate the risks of FDI. Competing space-time conceptions in consumers', authors' and societies' stories interact with managerial narratives to affect international product and task environments. We increase awareness of MNEs' storytelling by offering a typology of stakeholders' stories across space and time.},
author = {Haley, Usha C.V. and Boje, David M.},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.32},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Haley, Boje - 2014 - Storytelling the internationalization of the multinational enterprise.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Case theoretic approaches,Global stakeholders,Internationalization theories and foreign market e,Role of time,Silent language translation),Storytelling; language (language design},
month = {dec},
number = {9},
pages = {1115--1132},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Storytelling the internationalization of the multinational enterprise}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Jory2014,
abstract = {We examine the decision of private sector enterprises from developed countries to acquire state-owned enterprises (SOEs) abroad. Using a sample of US firms buying targets abroad between 1987 and 2009, we find that bidders of SOE fare worse than bidders of non-SOE both in terms of stock price and operating performance. We also find that the quality of the target country location-as captured by the Economic Freedom of the World (EFW) Index-greatly influences the choice of SOE targets. Interestingly, the quality ranking of the target country location on the EFW Index and the performance of the bidder of a SOE target are inversely related. Our findings imply that the characteristics of the location of the target firm affect bidders' choice of targets in international mergers and acquisitions; otherwise, acquiring non-SOEs is more lucrative. Furthermore, either limiting conditions in the business environment force managers to work harder to generate more wealth, or in weak legal and business environments buying targets with ties to the government yields extra wealth. Our findings are highly relevant within the international business literature as they influence the choice of foreign market entry mode.},
author = {Jory, Surendranath Rakesh and Ngo, Thanh Ngoc},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.41},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jory, Ngo - 2014 - Cross-border acquisitions of state-owned enterprises.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Privatization,cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M{\&}As),event study,state-owned enterprises},
month = {dec},
number = {9},
pages = {1096--1114},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Cross-border acquisitions of state-owned enterprises}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bu2016,
abstract = {This study builds on the pollution haven and induced innovation arguments as explanations for firm behavior with regard to international environmental management and argues both need to be integrated. This implies that foreign direct investment is capable of facilitating a "race to the bottom" and a "race to the top" simultaneously. Using novel and detailed data, we test whether environmental capabilities and weaknesses and other characteristics affect US firms' foreign direct investment choices in Chinese provinces with more or less stringent environmental regulation. This enables a more detailed analysis by allowing country regulation to vary spatially and over time. Our study finds that heterogeneity in capabilities and firm size jointly determine foreign direct investment and in doing so shows the simultaneity of a race to the bottom and to the top. Specifically, firms with environmental capabilities invest in more stringently regulated regions and firms with weaknesses are less likely to target such regions. These diverging effects are both moderated by firm size, which further amplifies each of them. Our findings underscore the need to integrate pollution haven and induced innovation arguments in a joint analysis. They furthermore show the relevance of methodological choices when testing hypotheses integrating the above arguments empirically.},
author = {Bu, Maoliang and Wagner, Marcus},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-016-0013-4},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bu, Wagner - 2016 - Racing to the bottom and racing to the top The crucial role of firm characteristics in foreign direct investment cho.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {China,United States,multivariate analysis,pollution haven,resource-based view or resource-based theory},
month = {dec},
number = {9},
pages = {1032--1057},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Racing to the bottom and racing to the top: The crucial role of firm characteristics in foreign direct investment choices}},
volume = {47},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Caligiuri2014,
abstract = {Minbaeva, Pedersen, Bjorkman, Fey and Park's (2003) award-winning article highlights the importance of human resource management (HRM) practices for enhancing employees' ability and motivation to transfer knowledge - practices that, in turn, affect knowledge transfer to subsidiaries within multinational corporations (MNCs). In the decade since their laudable article was published, some contributions have been made highlighting the contingencies related to the effectiveness of HRM practices in MNCs, especially those affecting an organizations' absorptive capacity. These contingencies - the "moving parts" - include country-level differences in HR systems, cross-cultural differences in acceptance of HR practices and individual-level factors affecting the effectiveness of HRM practices. With an eye toward the future, I discuss these contingencies, paying closest attention to the effect of the individual differences affecting employees' willingness to engage in knowledge sharing. From the perspective of HRM, this year's Decade Award article opened some significant doors for future research; my goal for this commentary is to highlight them and the many that remain relatively unexplored.},
author = {Caligiuri, Paula},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2013.52},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Caligiuri - 2014 - Many moving parts Factors influencing the effectiveness of HRM practices designed to improve knowledge transfer withi.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0047-2506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Decade Award,absorptive capacity,human resource management (HRM),knowledge management,knowledge transfer},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {63--72},
title = {{Many moving parts: Factors influencing the effectiveness of HRM practices designed to improve knowledge transfer within MNCs}},
url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1057/jibs.2013.52},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{SidkiDarendeli2016,
abstract = {Using the before-after natural experiment occasioned by the Arab Spring in Libya, we explore how market and non-market activity affect foreign firm legitimacy in times of political turmoil. Although all MNEs in Libya had to cultivate strong ties to Qadhafi to succeed during his 40 years of rule, we found that those that also invested in social-benefit projects and in social ties with families with few ties to the Qadhafi family earned a broad-based legitimacy that helped them survive Qadhafi's overthrow. Our findings contribute to the political risk and political behavior literature the notion that the pursuit of firm legitimacy in general, and especially in the eyes of social-sector actors, is an effective hedge against political risk. More theoretically, our findings support the addition of a social-sector-based path to firm legitimacy in the host country that complements and may at times substitute for, the government-based path to foreign firm legitimacy. Practically, our findings suggest that MNEs' facing severe political risk can improve their prospects for survival by investing in relationships with influential social groups and by offering goods or services that are perceived as socially valuable.},
author = {{Sidki Darendeli}, Izzet and Hill, T. L.},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2015.27},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sidki Darendeli, Hill - 2016 - Uncovering the complex relationships between political risk and MNE firm legitimacy Insights from Libya.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Institutional theory,Legitimacy,Non-market strategy,Political risk,Political ties; natural experiment},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {68--92},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Uncovering the complex relationships between political risk and MNE firm legitimacy: Insights from Libya}},
volume = {47},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Meyer2019,
abstract = {dawsonera.com: Direct access to your library's ebook collection},
author = {Meyer, Klaus E.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0197-x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Meyer - 2019 - Foreign operation methods.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0047-2506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {450--453},
publisher = {Springer Nature},
title = {{Foreign operation methods}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Cazurra2014,
abstract = {The globalization of state-owned multinational companies (SOMNCs) has become an important phenomenon in international business (IB), yet it has received scant attention in the literature. We explain how the analysis of SOMNCs can help advance the literature by extending our understanding of state-owned firms (SOEs) and multinational companies (MNCs) in at least two ways. First, we cross-fertilize the IB and SOEs literatures in their analysis of foreign investment behavior and introduce two arguments: the extraterritoriality argument, which helps explain how the MNC dimension of SOMNCs extends the SOE literature, and the non-business internationalization argument, which helps explain how the SOE dimension of SOMNCs extends the MNC literature. Second, we analyze how the study of SOMNCs can help develop new insights of theories of firm behavior. In this respect, we introduce five arguments: the triple agency conflict argument in agency theory; the owner risk argument in transaction costs economics; the advantage and disadvantage of ownership argument in the resource-based view (RBV); the power escape argument in esource dependence theory; and the illegitimate ownership argument in neoinstitutional theory. After our analysis, we introduce the papers in the special issue that, collectively, reflect diverse and sophisticated research interest in the topic of SOMNCs.},
author = {Cazurra, Alvaro Cuervo and Inkpen, Andrew and Musacchio, Aldo and Ramaswamy, Kannan},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.43},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cazurra et al. - 2014 - Governments as owners State-owned multinational companies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Firm objectives,Internationalization,Multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,Resource dependency,State ownership,Transaction cost economics or transaction cost ana,Transaction cost theory},
number = {8},
pages = {919--942},
title = {{Governments as owners: State-owned multinational companies}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Akamah2018,
abstract = {Multinational firms have been accused by politicians, regulators, and citizen groups of shifting profits to low-tax geographic areas. We present evidence that multinational firms with tax-haven operations tend to aggregate their geographic disclosures to a greater extent. The results are consistent with managers attempting to avoid criticism by reducing the transparency of their tax-avoidance activities. We find these results to be stronger for larger firms with higher political costs and for firms in natural-resources industries, in retail industries, or with low competition. The evidence is relevant to policymakers and others interested in multinational firms' financial reporting and tax activities.},
author = {Akamah, Herita and Hope, Ole Kristian and Thomas, Wayne B.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0084-x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Akamah, Hope, Thomas - 2018 - Tax havens and disclosure aggregation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Aggregation,Disclosure transparency,Exhibit 21,Geographic reporting,Tax avoidance,Tax havens},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {49--69},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Tax havens and disclosure aggregation}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Maggioni2019,
abstract = {We investigate the role of local labor standards on MNEs' location decisions across different sectors and sub-national regions within a developing country. We suggest that foreign investors adopt selective location strategies in connection with specific labor standards as a result of reputational and operating considerations. Foreign firms in more hazardous sectors prefer locations with higher occupational health and safety standards because they are more exposed to reputational risks. Those in sectors with less reversible investments prefer locations with lower degrees of unionization because their lower bargaining power increases their sensitivity to operating costs. We test our arguments across 26 sub-national Turkish regions over the period 2005–2011.},
author = {Maggioni, Daniela and Santangelo, Grazia D. and Koymen-Ozer, Seda},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00231-x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Maggioni, Santangelo, Koymen-Ozer - 2019 - MNEs' location strategies and labor standards The role of operating and reputational consid.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {industry specificities,labor standards,liability of foreignness,location choice,reputational costs},
month = {aug},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{MNEs' location strategies and labor standards: The role of operating and reputational considerations across industries}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Durand2015,
abstract = {How do subsidiaries respond to normative demands from both their headquarters and local external constituents? We propose that subsidiaries pay varying levels of attention to demands depending on their peers' norm-conforming behavior, resulting in heterogeneous practice implementation. We study the implementation of 25 practices, associated with three corporate social responsibility (CSR) issues in 101 worldwide subsidiaries of a multinational enterprise (MNE). Consistent with the idea that attention is limited and therefore selective, we find that external peers' conformity to the CSR norm directs subsidiaries' attention toward the CSR-related demands of external constituents at the expense of the demands from the headquarters. However, internal peers' conformity increases attention to both external and headquarters' demands related to CSR. As higher attention levels result in higher practice implementation, internal and external peers' conformity drives the heterogeneity of practice implementation in the MNE. Our results suggest the need to rethink the influence of peers' conformity on subsidiaries' implementation of practices, as it not only triggers mimicry based on legitimacy but also and simultaneously a more strategic response based on internal and external competitive threats and attention allocation.},
author = {Durand, Rodolphe and Jacqueminet, Anne},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2015.21},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Durand, Jacqueminet - 2015 - Peer conformity, attention, and heterogeneous implementation of practices in MNEs.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {attention,corporate social responsibility,institutional theory,multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,practice implementation,simultaneous equation modeling},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {917--937},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Peer conformity, attention, and heterogeneous implementation of practices in MNEs}},
volume = {46},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Meyer2014,
abstract = {State-owned (SO) enterprises are subject to more complex institutional pressures in host countries than private firms. These institutional pressures arise from a weak legitimacy of "state ownership" in some countries, which arises from a combination of ideological conflicts, perceived threats to national security, and claimed unfair competitive advantage due to support by the home country government. These institutional pressures directed specifically at SO firms induce them to adapt their foreign entry strategies to reduce potential conflicts and to enhance their legitimacy. Testing hypotheses derived from this theoretical argument for subsidiaries of listed Chinese firms, we find that SO firms adapt mode and control decisions differently from private firms to the conditions in host countries, and these differences are larger where pressures for legitimacy on SO firms are stronger. These findings not only extend institutional theory to better explain differential effects on different entrants to an organizational field, but demonstrate how foreign investors of idiosyncratic origins may proactively build legitimacy in host societies.},
author = {Meyer, Klaus E. and Ding, Yuan and Li, Jing and Zhang, Hua},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.15},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Meyer et al. - 2014 - Overcoming distrust How state-owned enterprises adapt their foreign entries to institutional pressures abroad.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Chinese multinationals,control mode,establishment mode,foreign market entry,institutional theory,state-owned enterprises},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {1005--1028},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Overcoming distrust: How state-owned enterprises adapt their foreign entries to institutional pressures abroad}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kim2019a,
abstract = {We investigate the influence of foreign institutional investors on firms' auditor choices in an international setting. Foreign institutional investors are likely to demand high-quality audits to mitigate the information asymmetry they face and facilitate their external monitoring when they invest overseas. On the other hand, foreign institutional investors not only face difficulties in monitoring overseas firms in general but also have the limited ability to influence their auditor choices in particular. Using a large sample of 111,078 firm-year observations from 40 non-US countries for the period of 2001–2011, we find that firms with higher foreign institutional ownership are more likely to hire Big 4 auditors. To address the endogeneity concern, we show that our findings are robust to the use of identification strategies exploiting the exogenous variation in foreign institutional ownership following MSCI index additions, two-stage least squares regressions, and change-on-change regressions. More importantly, we further explore cross-sectional/cross-country variations in the relation between foreign institutional investors and auditor choice and find that this relation is stronger (a) when foreign institutional investors are from countries with stronger governance institutions and (b) when the investee firms are located in countries with higher information asymmetries. Overall, our findings suggest that cross-border institutional investment plays an important role in influencing firms' auditor choices and improving the information environment of firms across different countries around the world.},
author = {Kim, Jeong Bon and Pevzner, Mikhail and Xin, Xiangang},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0160-x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim, Pevzner, Xin - 2019 - Foreign institutional ownership and auditor choice Evidence from worldwide institutional ownership.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {agency theory,auditor choice,foreign institutional investors,information environment},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {83--110},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Foreign institutional ownership and auditor choice: Evidence from worldwide institutional ownership}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@misc{Strange2018,
abstract = {In this paper, we suggest that internalization theory might be extended by incorporating complementary insights from GVC theory. More specifically, we argue that internalization theory can explain why lead firms might wish to externalize selected activities, but that it is largely silent on the mechanisms by which those lead firms might exercise control over the resultant externalized relationships with their GVC partners. We advance an explanation linking the choice of control mechanism to two factors: power asymmetries between the lead firms and their GVC partners, and the degree of codifiability of the information to be exchanged in the relationship.},
author = {Strange, Roger and Humphrey, John},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0186-0},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Strange, Humphrey - 2018 - What lies between market and hierarchy Insights from internalization theory and global value chain theory.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {externalization,global factory,global value chain theory,internalization theory,outsourcing},
month = {oct},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{What lies between market and hierarchy? Insights from internalization theory and global value chain theory}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Wang2014,
abstract = {Current theory on foreign subsidiary autonomy is insufficient to examine a situation where a multinational lacks experience to organize global operations, and yet intends to compete extensively with established multinational enterprises (MNEs) from advanced economies. By building on theoretical perspectives developed for emerging-market multinational enterprises (EMNEs), we advance the idea that foreign subsidiary autonomy is a strategic mechanism to overcome the EMNE's weaknesses in managing globally dispersed businesses and their home-country disadvantages after foreign entry. Subsidiary autonomy delegation assists in performing the learning functions necessary for overcoming resource and capability voids, as well as for distancing the subsidiary administratively from the parent's negative home-country institutional heritage. Analyses of survey data collected from headquarter senior executives of 240 Chinese MNEs suggest that subsidiary autonomy delegation is higher among firms relying on foreign markets as a springboard to acquire strategic assets, whose top managers at the headquarters perceive high domestic institutional constraints, and which do not count on government assistance to expand internationally. Further, we demonstrate that these relationships are strengthened with greater inward foreign direct investment cooperative experience, and with the use of merger and acquisition entry modes. These findings have important implications for theories on subsidiary autonomy. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business.},
author = {Wang, Stephanie Lu and Luo, Yadong and Lu, Xiongwen and Sun, Jinyun and Maksimov, Vladislav},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2013.40},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wang et al. - 2014 - Autonomy delegation to foreign subsidiaries An enabling mechanism for emerging-market multinationals.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00472506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {emerging-market multinationals,parentsubsidiary,subsidiary autonomy},
month = {feb},
number = {2},
pages = {111--130},
title = {{Autonomy delegation to foreign subsidiaries: An enabling mechanism for emerging-market multinationals}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Newenham-Kahindi2018,
abstract = {Prior research on firms' liability of foreignness (LOF) has emphasized the role of isomorphic behavior in overcoming LOF. However, the literature has not adequately considered how firms can overcome LOF under conditions of institutional complexity, when fundamental differences in firms' home and host country values, beliefs, and rules may make isomorphic behaviors impossible or undesirable. In this article, we use the emerging research on institutional logics and institutional entrepreneurship to address this important issue by examining case studies of eight foreign mining MNEs experiencing LOF in Sub-Saharan Africa. Based upon our qualitative analysis, we find that MNEs can overcome LOF by co-creating new institutional logics rather than conforming to existing ones. Yet our data show that this is a difficult process, one that may not be capable of being done unilaterally by the MNE. Instead, we find that local employees embedded in both sets of competing institutional logics acted as key intermediaries who facilitated institutional entrepreneurship. Moreover, we found that firms' implementation strategy matters as well: in some cases, institutional entrepreneurship mitigated LOF; in others, friction returned to varying degrees.},
author = {Newenham-Kahindi, Aloysius and Stevens, Charles E.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0111-y},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Newenham-Kahindi, Stevens - 2018 - An institutional logics approach to liability of foreignness The case of mining MNEs in Sub-Saharan A.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Africa,embedded agency,institutional change,institutional entrepreneurship,institutional logics,intermediary,liability of foreignness,qualitative analysis},
month = {sep},
number = {7},
pages = {881--901},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{An institutional logics approach to liability of foreignness: The case of mining MNEs in Sub-Saharan Africa}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Oehme2015,
abstract = {In this article we reveal how network-enabled imitation processes impact young small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) internationalization, and how a firm's network position as well as its experiential knowledge moderate imitative behavior in internationalization modes. Building on institutional, network, and organizational-learning theory, we suggest that firms imitate the internationalization modes of their peers in their network. Moreover, we argue that a firm's imitation propensity depends on two important boundary conditions: network position and past experience. Applying a longitudinal event history analysis to analyze the complete population of 977 German biotechnology firms between 1996 and 2012 largely supports our hypotheses. Our findings reveal that firms imitate the internationalization modes of their peers in a precise manner. This implies that the imitation of others can initially serve as a presumably convenient low-risk shortcut to a planned or experience-driven internationalization process. Furthermore, our results confirm that this imitation process is channeled through formal network relations and that central network positions that are associated with superior information access, enhanced legitimacy, and status may promote deviating behavior. Acknowledging the interplay of different learning sources, our findings additionally show that initial internationalization mode choices of SMEs can have a lasting effect on subsequent internationalization behavior. Overall, our study contributes to a more nuanced view of imitative behavior of internationalizing SMEs and its boundary conditions, and highlights future research opportunities that exist for considering imitation and its implications in international business research.},
author = {Oehme, Marie and Bort, Suleika},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2015.8},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Oehme, Bort - 2015 - SME internationalization modes in the German biotechnology industry The influence of imitation, network position, a.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {foreign market entry,institutional theory,longitudinal (or time-series) research methods,mimetic behavior,networks,small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs)},
month = {aug},
number = {6},
pages = {629--655},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{SME internationalization modes in the German biotechnology industry: The influence of imitation, network position, and international experience}},
volume = {46},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Buckley2018a,
abstract = {Our original 2007 Journal of International Business Studies article, "The determinants of Chinese Outward Foreign Direct Investment", was the first theoretically based empirical analysis of the phenomenon. It utilised internalisation theory to explain the internationalisation of Chinese stateowned enterprises. This paper showed that we had failed to ask sufficiently challenging questions about the effects of home country institutions on outward foreign direct investment (OFDI). This Retrospective builds on the extensive subsequent research to show the importance of context in constructing satisfactory theoretical explanations of OFDI. Building on these foundations, we propose research challenges for the next decade on Chinese OFDI that transcend the Chinese context and have wider theoretical applicability. Examining alternative forms of social and economic organisation allows the creation of special theories of foreign direct investment nested within the general theory. Following such a strategy would enable International Business research to make a contribution across the social sciences.},
author = {Buckley, Peter J. and Clegg, L. Jeremy and Voss, Hinrich and Cross, Adam R. and Liu, Xin and Zheng, Ping},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0129-1},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Buckley et al. - 2018 - A retrospective and agenda for future research on Chinese outward foreign direct investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Chinese outward FDI,Decade award,International business policy,State-owned enterprises},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {4--23},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{A retrospective and agenda for future research on Chinese outward foreign direct investment}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Verbeke2018,
abstract = {No abstract available.},
author = {Verbeke, Alain},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0130-8},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Verbeke - 2018 - The JIBS 2017 decade award The determinants of Chinese outward foreign direct investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {1--3},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{The JIBS 2017 decade award: The determinants of Chinese outward foreign direct investment}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Cordero2019,
abstract = {We develop a theoretical framework to explain how political party tenure affects MNE entries into an economy. We leverage insights from the upper echelon and public administration literatures to argue that there is a curvilinear relationship between political party tenure and MNE entries. Moreover, we argue that political parties with an excessive tenure are less responsive to MNEs and more corrupt. Therefore, we further explain the mediating effects of government bureaucratic responsiveness and government corruption on that relationship. We test our theory using a sample of manufacturing MNEs entering into Mexican cities. The results support our theory.},
author = {Cordero, Arkangel M. and Miller, Stewart R.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00220-0},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cordero, Miller - 2019 - Political party tenure and MNE location choices.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Poisson models,location strategy,political aspects of MNE activity},
month = {aug},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Political party tenure and MNE location choices}},
year = {2019}
}
@misc{Hennart2019,
abstract = {The prevalent view among family-firm internationalization scholars is that family management discourages internationalization. This is because selling abroad is said to require more specialized managers and more resources than selling at home, and yet family firms are unwilling to recruit non-family managers with the required international skills and to dilute their control to obtain the necessary finance. We hypothesize that this argument overlooks the possibility that managers of family-managed SMEs choose business models that both minimize the above-mentioned limitations and leverage the strengths of family governance. Specifically, we argue that selling quality products in global niches allows family-managed SMEs to internationalize without the cosmopolitan managers and the high financial investments required for selling mass-market products abroad; at the same time a global niche business model requires the long time horizon and the high level of social capital that family governance can provide. Modeling a firm's foreign sales through a gravity model, we test this hypothesis on a large sample of SMEs from four European Union countries. We find that family-managed SMEs have fewer foreign sales than other type of SMEs, but that the difference is partially bridged if family-managed SMEs have adopted a global niche business model.},
author = {Hennart, Jean Fran{\c{c}}ois and Majocchi, Antonio and Forlani, Emanuele},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0091-y},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hennart, Majocchi, Forlani - 2019 - The myth of the stay-at-home family firm How family-managed SMEs can overcome their internationaliza.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {family firms,global niche strategies,gravity models,internationalization,internationalization theories and foreign market e,small and medium enterprises},
month = {jul},
number = {5},
pages = {758--782},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{The myth of the stay-at-home family firm: How family-managed SMEs can overcome their internationalization limitations}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@misc{Luo2018,
abstract = {The springboard view has become one theoretic lens to analyze emerging market multinationals (EMNEs) in the past decade. A decade after its first introduction in 2007, new developments offer keen insights on these firms and MNEs in general that aggressively engage in critical asset-seeking. We compare this view with other IB theories, highlighting their differences as well as complementarity. We articulate unique strengths and weaknesses of EMNEs, including their vulnerability and complexity caused in part by home country institutions. We discuss amalgamation, ambidexterity, and adaptation advantages that differentiate springboard MNEs from more established advanced country MNEs, and explain why and how springboard acts should be analyzed along with global competitiveness augmentation. We introduce an upward spiral concept to advance our understanding of linkages between springboard and post-springboard activities, and explain some critical cross-cultural and human resource management issues in the process. To help continued research on springboard MNEs, we highlight macro- and micro-management issues that are particularly worth exploring.},
author = {Luo, Yadong and Tung, Rosalie L.},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0114-8},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Luo, Tung - 2018 - A general theory of springboard MNEs.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {EMNEs,emerging markets,springboard perspective,strategic behavior},
month = {feb},
number = {2},
pages = {129--152},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{A general theory of springboard MNEs}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Malhotra2014,
abstract = {This article examines how spatial geography influences firms' choice of control in cross-border acquisitions (CBAs). Building our arguments on the information asymmetry in CBAs, we argue that geographic distance affects adverse selection and moral hazard problems in CBAs. Geographic distance hinders acquirers' efforts to assess the true value of the target firm, prompting them to opt for a partial control. At the same time, geographic distance hampers acquirers' ability to manage contractual relationships and integrate target firms, prompting them to opt for a full control. We argue that the cost and benefit trade-off of full vs partial ownership varies at different levels of geographic distance. Accordingly, we propose a curvilinear, U-shaped relationship between geographic distance and equity ownership. This relationship is contingent on acquisition relatedness and the listing status of the acquirer (public vs private). As the geographic distance between acquirer and target increases, acquirers assume higher equity stakes in related acquisitions than in unrelated acquisitions. At greater geographic distances, public firms acquire more equity ownership than do private firms. Findings from 10,181 deals across 52 acquiring and 61 target countries provide robust support for these arguments. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business.},
author = {Malhotra, Shavin and Gaur, Ajai S.},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2013.50},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Malhotra, Gaur - 2014 - Spatial geography and control in foreign acquisitions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00472506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Geographic distance,cross-border Mergers and Acquisitions (M{\&}As),equity ownership,information asymmetry,spline regressions},
month = {feb},
number = {2},
pages = {191--210},
title = {{Spatial geography and control in foreign acquisitions}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Gao2018,
abstract = {Historical relations between countries bring important explanatory power for foreign direct investment (FDI) decisions, yet little is known on whether a home–host country relation exhibits heterogeneous effects on FDI across the country's subnational regions. In this study, we examine the long-term impact of historical conflict on FDI location choices and performance. Using a sample of 8,646 Japanese FDI in China, we show that civilian casualties in different provinces of China during the Second Sino–Japanese War exert deterring effects on Japanese FDI location choices. Furthermore, we demonstrate that civilian casualties negatively affect Japanese FDI performance and political capital accumulation strategies, in the forms of excessive tax payment and local employment, can reduce this negative effect. This study contributes to the discussion on how within-country differences of historical factors affect FDI location decisions and performance. The findings on firms' political capital accumulation strategies also provide important implications for FDI operation in an environment characterized by historical animosity.},
author = {Gao, Gerald Yong and Wang, Danny Tan and Che, Yi},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-016-0048-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gao, Wang, Che - 2018 - Impact of historical conflict on FDI location and performance Japanese investment in China.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {China,FDI,Japanese firms,historical conflict,location,performance,political capital},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {1060--1080},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Impact of historical conflict on FDI location and performance: Japanese investment in China}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Mariotti2019,
abstract = {This article sheds light on how the internationalization of state-owned enterprises is influenced by the state involvement in ownership and by the home country's institutional settings. Integrating international business literature with the debate on the varieties of capitalism, we contend that state-dominated enterprises internationalize more (less) than privately owned enterprises in coordinated (liberal) market economies, whereas they exhibit an inconstant behavior in state-influenced market economies. Our analysis on a sample of enterprises pertaining to 20 OECD countries supports our hypotheses. This article adds to studies on the influence of institutions on firms' internationalization and has implications for both managers and policymakers.},
author = {Mariotti, Sergio and Marzano, Riccardo},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-00208-2},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mariotti, Marzano - 2019 - Varieties of capitalism and the internationalization of state-owned enterprises.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {business/government interaction and relations,institutional theory,internationalization,multiple regression analysis,state-owned enterprises,varieties of capitalism},
month = {jul},
number = {5},
pages = {669--691},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Varieties of capitalism and the internationalization of state-owned enterprises}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Ivus2017,
abstract = {This article examines how patent protection in developing countries affects the technology licensing strategy of US multinational firms and the associated technology transfer flows. Strengthening patent rights lowers appropriability hazards and so reduces the firms' reliance on affiliated licensing as the more secure means of transfer (the internalization effect). However lower appropriability hazards also encourage the firms to increase the volume of technology transfer via licensing both within and outside the firm (the appropriability effect). Which effect prevails depends on the underlying technological complexity of the firms' product. We find that a strengthening of patent protection in the host country increases the incentive to license innovations to unaffiliated parties. While unaffiliated licensing rises among all firms, the volume of affiliated licensing falls among complex-technology firms but rises among simple-technology firms. The positive appropriability effect on affiliated licensing is strong enough among simple-technology firms that the entire composition of their licensing further shifts towards affiliated parties. The results are significant for recent work on the internalization theories of multinational firms and the interaction between firm strategy and the institutional environment, as well as for patent policy in the developing world, where access to knowledge is critical.},
author = {Ivus, Olena and Park, Walter G. and Saggi, Kamal},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0100-1},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ivus, Park, Saggi - 2017 - Patent protection and the composition of multinational activity Evidence from US multinational firms.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {and imitation risk,appropriability,intellectual property rights,internalization,international technology,licensing,technological complexity,transfer},
month = {sep},
number = {7},
pages = {808--836},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Patent protection and the composition of multinational activity: Evidence from US multinational firms}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Cannizzaro2018,
abstract = {We contribute to IB literature on state-owned multinationals by examining an understudied element of MNE strategy - transparency. Drawing insight from accounting, finance, and political science, we develop theory and hypotheses regarding ownership effects on FDI disclosure. We argue that transparency of outward FDI depends on both state ownership and home and host country institutions. We also posit that host governments harness their SOEs to exploit information disclosed by foreign MNEs, discouraging inward FDI transparency. We test our hypotheses using a unique transaction-level database from the global petroleum industry. Analyzing a sample of 965 investment disclosures across 81 developing and developed countries, we find state ownership reduces MNE transparency; SOEs are less sensitive to host country political risk than private firms; SOEs from better-governed countries are more transparent; and regardless of ownership, foreign MNEs are more opaque when investing in the presence of a host country SOE.},
author = {Cannizzaro, Anthony P. and Weiner, Robert J.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0117-5},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cannizzaro, Weiner - 2018 - State ownership and transparency in foreign direct investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {institutions,political risk,state ownership,transparency,voluntary disclosure},
month = {feb},
number = {2},
pages = {172--195},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{State ownership and transparency in foreign direct investment}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Pan2014,
abstract = {The level of ownership in an overseas subsidiary has been an important issue in international business. Existing literature, based on transaction cost theory, predicts that firms prefer higher ownership for subsidiaries located in favorable foreign institutional environments. We propose two moderating factors to this prediction: governments as owners of firms and firms' legislative connections. We hypothesized that the level of subsidiary ownership was less affected by the heterogeneity of foreign institutional environments for firms with a higher level of government ownership and for firms with legislative connections. These two interaction effects were tested using a sample of overseas subsidiaries documented in the 2010 annual reports of listed Chinese firms. The empirical findings provide robust support for the hypothesized effects. This study offers fresh insight on the role of government and political factors in firms' internationalization activities.},
author = {Pan, Yigang and Teng, Lefa and Supapol, Atipol Bhanich and Lu, Xiongwen and Huang, Dan and Wang, Zhennan},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.27},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pan et al. - 2014 - Firms' FDI ownership The influence of government ownership and legislative connections.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0047-2506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {1029--1043},
publisher = {Springer Science and Business Media LLC},
title = {{Firms' FDI ownership: The influence of government ownership and legislative connections}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Iurkov2018,
abstract = {We draw on a social network perspective to explain multinational enterprises' (MNEs) propensity to distribute their operations unevenly across various regions of the world. We focus on how the positioning of MNEs in their domestic network of strategic alliances affects their geographic scope, i.e., whether they concentrate on their home region or expand beyond it. We theorize that embeddedness in alliance networks constitutes a double-edged sword to the geographic scope of MNEs. Strong embeddedness in domestic alliance networks drives the development of location-bound firm-specific advantages (FSAs), which may narrow down MNEs' geographic scope. In contrast, moderate embeddedness leads to more non-location-bound FSAs, which reduce liability of foreignness, and hence motivate MNEs to widen their geographical scope. We thus predict a non-linear relationship between domestic alliance network embeddedness and MNE geographic scope. Furthermore, the impact of the domestic alliance network on MNE geographic scope hinges on the organizational ability to efficiently and effectively absorb resources stemming from the network. We test our hypotheses using FDI data from 302 US MNEs in the information and communication technology industry for the period of 2001–2008, and generally find robust support for the hypothesized relationships.},
author = {Iurkov, Viacheslav and Benito, Gabriel R.G.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0089-5},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Iurkov, Benito - 2018 - Domestic alliance networks and regional strategies of MNEs A structural embeddedness perspective.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {absorptive capacity,embeddedness,multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,network theory,regional strategy},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {1033--1059},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Domestic alliance networks and regional strategies of MNEs: A structural embeddedness perspective}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Zhong2019,
abstract = {While research has acknowledged the importance of political risks in affecting multinational companies' behavior and performance outcomes, the roles of political agents in this process have largely been ignored. This study explores one important dimension of political risks caused by politician turnover at the sub-national level and examines its influence on the performance of foreign subsidiaries. We contend that policy uncertainty arising from politician turnover adversely affects the performance of foreign subsidiaries. We further develop a multi-level framework identifying contingent factors at event (i.e., internal promotion), firm (i.e., international joint venture), and environment (i.e., market intermediary development) levels that moderate the relationship between politician turnover and MNC performance. Analyses of foreign subsidiaries located in 310 Chinese cities from 1998 to 2007 largely support our thesis that politician turnover dampens the performance of foreign subsidiaries. This negative performance impact is then alleviated for internal promotions, international joint ventures, and firms located in regions with a high degree of market intermediary development. Our study opens a new avenue for examining the role of host-country political agents in affecting MNC performance.},
author = {Zhong, Weiguo and Lin, Ya and Gao, Danxue and Yang, Haibin},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00229-5},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zhong et al. - 2019 - Does politician turnover affect foreign subsidiary performance Evidence in China.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {multinational corporations,politician turnover,regional political uncertainty,sub-national environment},
month = {sep},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Does politician turnover affect foreign subsidiary performance? Evidence in China}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Dow2016,
abstract = {This article explores how within-country diversity of both language and religion influences the ownership structure of foreign acquisitions. Commentators have acknowledged the potential importance of "within-country diversity," but to date this issue has received minimal empirical attention. We propose that diversity plays two distinct roles. Namely, diversity within the host country may be an additional source of behavioral uncertainty and information asymmetry, over and above the effects arising from cross-national differences. Moreover, diversity within the home country may increase the cognitive complexity of the decision makers, moderating the firm's response to the distance and diversity of the host country. Results based on foreign acquisitions across 67 acquirer and 69 target countries confirm both of these roles. While the main focus of this article is on the role that within-country diversity plays in international business decisions, it also makes contributions in terms of expanding the range of dimensions of distance investigated in the cross-border acquisition literature, in highlighting a potentially positive role that diversity might play in such acquisitions, and in providing a potential explanation for asymmetries in distance - that is, differences in cognitive complexity.},
author = {Dow, Douglas and Cuypers, Ilya R.P. and Ertug, Gokhan},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2016.7},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dow, Cuypers, Ertug - 2016 - The effects of within-country linguistic and religious diversity on foreign acquisitions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {diversity,foreign entry,international acquisitions,language (language design,religion,silent language,translation)},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {319--346},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{The effects of within-country linguistic and religious diversity on foreign acquisitions}},
volume = {47},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Li2014,
abstract = {Institutional diversity characterizing state-owned enterprises (SOEs) from emerging economies holds critical but under-examined implications for their internationalization activities. Different types of SOEs can exhibit distinct motivations, strategic resources, and adaptive capabilities for penetrating foreign markets. To understand how such idiosyncratic differences emerge, we conceptualize the heterogeneity of SOEs as an outcome of multiple institutional reform processes - administrative and fiscal decentralization, industrial restructuring, and market liberalization - which create diversity between SOEs affiliated with central and local levels of government. Building on the idea of "institutions-as-configurations", we elucidate how such reforms reconfigure SOEs' constellation of resources, capabilities, and priorities which shape the parameters of their ability to negotiate for home and host country institutional legitimacy. Specifically, we propose that the restructuring of central SOEs into "national champions" exposes them to stronger institutional pressures from home and host country governments while local SOEs which have fewer obligations to serve national strategic prerogatives display greater managerial autonomy and market orientation, but lower levels of monopolistic behavior. We discuss how such contrasting attributes contribute to variations in SOEs' international business diversification patterns, foreign subsidiary establishment and ownership modes, and overseas location preferences. Recognition of SOEs' organizational diversity holds important implications for theories on state-owned multinationals.},
author = {Li, Ming Hua and Cui, Lin and Lu, Jiangyong},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.14},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Li, Cui, Lu - 2014 - Varieties in state capitalism Outward FDI strategies of central and local state-owned enterprises from emerging eco.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {emerging markets/countries/economies,firm heterogeneity,institutional reform,internationalization,state-owned multinationals},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {980--1004},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Varieties in state capitalism: Outward FDI strategies of central and local state-owned enterprises from emerging economy countries}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Monaghan2014,
abstract = {Significant contemporary challenges face an internationalizing firm, including the non-ergodic nature of investment, and the liability of outsidership. Recent revisions to the Uppsala internationalization process model reflect these challenges, whereby "insidership" is represented as realized, successful foreign market entry. Drawing upon socio-spatial concepts from international business and economic geography, this paper demonstrates the endogeneity of subnational institutions in shaping foreign market insidership within an advanced economy. Employing a multi-method research design with almost 60 subnational actors, the role and interaction of subnational institutions within the internationalization process are explored. Our findings illustrate how customized coalitions of subnational institutions effectively initiate, negotiate and accelerate insidership of inward investment within the foreign market both prior to and during formal entry. Key aspects of this dynamic include communicating tangible and intangible locational resources, initiating functional and relevant business relationships, and facilitating access to codified and tacit knowledge. This paper embellishes the Uppsala internationalization process model by demonstrating the capacity of subnational institutions to participate actively with foreign market insidership, and in so doing advances understanding of how the risk and uncertainty associated with foreign market entry are currently navigated. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business.},
author = {Monaghan, Sin{\'{e}}ad and Gunnigle, Patrick and Lavelle, Jonathan},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2013.47},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Monaghan, Gunnigle, Lavelle - 2014 - Courting the multinational Subnational institutional capacity and foreign market insidership.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00472506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {economic geography,internationalization theories and foreign market e,multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,social network analysis,subnational region},
month = {feb},
number = {2},
pages = {131--150},
title = {{Courting the multinational: Subnational institutional capacity and foreign market insidership}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Minbaeva2003,
author = {Minbaeva, D and Pedersen, T and Bj{\"{o}}rkman, I and Fey, C F and Park, H J},
doi = {10.1057/palgrave.jibs.8400056},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Minbaeva et al. - 2003 - MNC knowledge transfer, subsidiary absorptive capacity, and HRM.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0047-2506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
month = {nov},
number = {6},
pages = {586--599},
title = {{MNC knowledge transfer, subsidiary absorptive capacity, and HRM}},
url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1057/palgrave.jibs.8400056},
volume = {34},
year = {2003}
}
@article{Zhao2014,
abstract = {Emerging markets experience institutional and social changes over time that present different stakeholder expectations for multinational corporations (MNCs). MNCs are often accused of social misdeeds and experience public crises during the changes, leaving questions on how they adapt to the local social transition to sustain operations. Conventional adaptation strategies put too much emphasis on maximizing economic returns by arbitraging national differences and catering to local market and consumer characteristics. The economic orientation may fail to address evolving and diverse stakeholder expectations, easily leading to public crises. This study conceptualizes economic adaptation and social adaptation as two sets of knowledge and capabilities that would have equally important impacts on MNCs' sustainable operations in emerging markets. The empirical testing examines consumer rights-related public crises experienced by 180 MNCs in China. The results suggest that MNCs' social adaptation activities have significantly positive effects in mitigating public crises while certain aspects of economic adaption, such as early entry into China, reliance on local leadership, and speedy expansion of local employees, lead to public crises. The significant interaction effects confirm that MNCs need to follow a balanced approach, paying attention to both economic and social components to avoid public crises and sustain growth in emerging markets. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business.},
author = {Zhao, Meng and Park, Seung Ho and Zhou, Nan},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.8},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zhao, Park, Zhou - 2014 - MNC strategy and social adaptation in emerging markets.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {event history analysis,multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,public crisis,social adaptation,stakeholder environment},
number = {7},
pages = {842--861},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{MNC strategy and social adaptation in emerging markets}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Parente2019,
abstract = {Multinational enterprises (MNEs) sometimes pursue opportunities in largely uncharted, distinctive institutional environments. How do these firms sustain operations in such settings? We explore how MNEs tailor and maintain operations in institutionally weak, precarious, and challenging host-country environments, such as those devastated by conflicts. We draw on the business ecosystem framework and analyze a qualitative longitudinal case study of a Chinese state-owned MNE that entered and developed its operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in Central Africa. Our findings indicate that after entry, the MNE sustained its operations in the DRC by engaging in collective actions and coevolving with key stakeholders within its business ecosystem. These stakeholders included the home and host governments, state-owned enterprises, privately owned enterprises, and local communities. Our qualitative data further suggest that the MNE's business ecosystem evolved through three stages—exploring, establishing, and embedding—and that within this ecosystem, the key stakeholders also coevolved with the MNE by adopting new roles over time.},
author = {Parente, Ronaldo and Rong, Ke and Geleilate, Jos{\'{e}} Mauricio G. and Misati, Everlyne},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0179-z},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Parente et al. - 2019 - Adapting and sustaining operations in weak institutional environments A business ecosystem assessment of a Chine.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Africa,China,MNEs,business ecosystems,coevolution,institutions},
month = {mar},
number = {2},
pages = {275--291},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Adapting and sustaining operations in weak institutional environments: A business ecosystem assessment of a Chinese MNE in Central Africa}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Arregle2016,
abstract = {International business research is only beginning to develop theory and evidence highlighting the importance of supranational regional institutions to explain firm internationalization. In this context, we offer new theory and evidence regarding the effect of a region's "institutional complexity" on foreign direct investment decisions by multinational enterprises (MNEs). We define a region's institutional complexity using two components, regional institutional diversity and number of countries. We explore the unique relationships of both components with MNEs' decisions to internationalize into countries within the region. Drawing on semiglobalization and regionalization research and institutional theory, we posit an inverted U-shaped relationship between a region's institutional diversity and MNE internationalization: extremely low or high regional institutional diversity has negative effects on internationalization, but moderate diversity has a positive effect on internationalization. Larger numbers of countries within the region reduces MNE internationalization in a linear fashion. We find support for these predicted relationships in multilevel analyses of 698 Japanese MNEs operating in 49 countries within 9 regions. Regional institutional complexity is both a challenge and an opportunity for MNEs seeking advantages through the aggregation and arbitrage of individual country factors.},
author = {Arregle, Jean Luc and Miller, Toyah L. and Hitt, Michael A. and Beamish, Paul W.},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2016.20},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Arregle et al. - 2016 - How does regional institutional complexity affect MNE internationalization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment,Institutions and international business,Mixed models,Regional Strategy Or Strategies,Semiglobalization},
month = {dec},
number = {6},
pages = {697--722},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{How does regional institutional complexity affect MNE internationalization?}},
volume = {47},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Koch2016,
abstract = {Cultural friction posits that cultural differences may be either synergistic or disruptive, but does not specify when or how synergies or disruptions emerge. We theorize that synergies will emerge in foreign-invested enterprises (FIEs) when cultural differences in leadership beliefs are less central to the host nation's cultural identity; while disruption will occur when differences are in more culturally central leadership beliefs. Analyzing survival data from 274 FIEs in China, we found support for these hypotheses with five of the six GLOBE leadership dimensions. As predicted, differences in the Participative and Team-Oriented dimensions were associated with higher firm death, while differences in the Charismatic, Autonomous and Self-Protective dimensions were associated with firm survival. Our results indicate that while there are areas where differences may indeed need to be accepted or minimized, there are other areas where differences can be beneficial. This requires that managers identify more central aspects of local culture to determine whether to minimize differences or to leverage their synergistic potential.},
author = {Koch, Pamela Tremain and Koch, Bradley and Menon, Tanya and Shenkar, Oded},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2016.16},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Koch et al. - 2016 - Cultural friction in leadership beliefs and foreign-invested enterprise survival.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {GLOBE,cross-cultural management,cultural friction,event study,leadership theories,top management teams,transaction cost theory},
month = {may},
number = {4},
pages = {453--470},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Cultural friction in leadership beliefs and foreign-invested enterprise survival}},
volume = {47},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Monaghan2018,
abstract = {We aim to build a greater understanding of how young entrepreneurial firms internationalize fast through foreign subsidiaries to become a multinational enterprise (MNE). Despite the prevalence of fast-paced international expansion, theory development on how it is achieved through high-commitment entry modes has been scarce. Our work substantially addresses this gap by conceptualizing how rapid multinationalization occurs. Using qualitative case studies, we explore eight young entrepreneurial firms operating in the software-As-A-service industry aspiring to achieve early market dominance internationally through rapid multinationalization. Drawing on the concept of industry recipes, we explain how recipe heuristics and recipe augmentation enable rapid multinationalization and showcase the economic and knowledge acquisition logics which underpin these endeavors. This study introduces internationalization via industry recipe, explains the micro-level regulation of internationalization speed, and contributes to aligning international entrepreneurship and MNE perspectives on internationalization.},
author = {Monaghan, Sin{\'{e}}ad and Tippmann, Esther},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0137-1},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Monaghan, Tippmann - 2018 - Becoming a multinational enterprise Using industry recipes to achieve rapid multinationalization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {case theoretic approaches,industry recipes,international entrepreneurship,multinational enterprises (MNEs)/multinational cor,rapid internationalization,speed},
month = {may},
number = {4},
pages = {473--495},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Becoming a multinational enterprise: Using industry recipes to achieve rapid multinationalization}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@misc{Hoenen2015,
abstract = {The nature of global business today increases the complexity of multinational companies and highlights the challenges of managing headquarters-subsidiary (HQ-Sub) relationships. We identify key unresolved issues in HQ-Sub relations including closing the gap between headquarters' expectations and subsidiary performance, managing the nested hierarchical relationships across multiple organizational layers, and aligning these relationships across diverse subunits embedded in different social contexts. We propose that agency theory, particularly its more recent progressions, can advance our understanding of these issues and we offer a perspective to guide such research. We discuss several research implications of the static bilateral, static multilateral, dynamic, and social and contextual streams of agency theory.},
author = {Hoenen, Anne Kristin and Kostova, Tatiana},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2014.31},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hoenen, Kostova - 2015 - Utilizing the broader agency perspective for studying headquarters-subsidiary relations in multinational compan.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {agency theory,headquarters-subsidiary roles and relations,multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,principal-agent},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {104--113},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Utilizing the broader agency perspective for studying headquarters-subsidiary relations in multinational companies}},
volume = {46},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Pant2017,
abstract = {Multinational subsidiaries do not merely seek legitimacy within their dual institutional contexts; they also strive to articulate an organizational identity by drawing on institutional resources embedded in these dual contexts. We draw attention to the subsidiary's identity duality and conceptualize it as a paradox, i.e., as the juxtaposition of the contradictory, interdependent, and persistent characteristics of the 'global' and the 'local' in the subsidiary's identity. Using 57 years of archival data from Hindustan Unilever, the Indian subsidiary of Anglo-Dutch multinational Unilever, we observe changing patterns in the articulation of identity claims by subsidiary leaders and develop a process model of how subsidiaries navigate identity duality over time. We find that subsidiary leaders may use two modes of organizational identity work for this purpose-logic ordering (the articulation of identity claims that respond to contradictory institutional demands by privileging one and subordinating the other) and logic bridging (the articulation of identity claims that respond to contradictory institutional demands by effecting a Janusian integration of the said demands). Over time, and employing these modes of identity work, leaders at Hindustan Unilever sustained a dynamic balance between the dual cores of the subsidiary's espoused identity.},
author = {Pant, Anirvan and Ramachandran, J.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0076-x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pant, Ramachandran - 2017 - Navigating identity duality in multinational subsidiaries A paradox lens on identity claims at Hindustan Uni.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {history in international business,institutional environment,managerial cognition,organizational identity,paradox,subsidiary development, expansion, and growth},
month = {aug},
number = {6},
pages = {664--692},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Navigating identity duality in multinational subsidiaries: A paradox lens on identity claims at Hindustan Unilever 1959-2015}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Buckley2018,
abstract = {A distinguishing feature of emerging economy multinationals is their apparent tolerance for host country institutional risk. Employing behavioral decision theory and quasi-experimental data, we find that managers' domestic experience satisfaction increases their relative risk propensity regarding controllable risk (legally protectable loss), but decreases their tendency to accept noncontrollable risk (e.g., political instability). In contrast, firms' potential slack reduces relative risk propensity regarding controllable risk, yet amplifies the tendency to take noncontrollable risk. We suggest that these counterbalancing effects might help explain prior ambiguous findings on the relationship between experience, slack, and FDI decisions. The study provides a new understanding of why firms exhibit heterogeneous responses to host country risks, and the varying effects of institutions.},
author = {Buckley, Peter J. and Chen, Liang and Clegg, L. Jeremy and Voss, Hinrich},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0126-4},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Buckley et al. - 2018 - Risk propensity in the foreign direct investment location decision of emerging multinationals.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {country risk,decision-making,domestic experience,heterogeneity,quasi-experimentation,slack},
month = {feb},
number = {2},
pages = {153--171},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Risk propensity in the foreign direct investment location decision of emerging multinationals}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Stallkamp2018,
abstract = {We show how the initial subnational entry location of foreign multinational enterprises (MNEs) in China influences their subsequent within-country location choices and expansion speed. We distinguish between MNEs that establish their first subsidiary in co-ethnic cores – dense agglomerations of other firms from the same country of origin – and MNEs that locate their first subsidiary in the periphery, i.e., outside of these co-ethnic cores. To identify co-ethnic cores in China, we employ a geo-visualization methodology, which draws the boundaries of cores organically and dynamically over time. We contrast our findings with the prevailing approach of using static administrative boundaries for identifying agglomerations. Our results provide evidence of path dependency, in that (a) entry through subnational locations with strong co-ethnic communities is followed by expansion into other locations where co-ethnic communities are present, and that (b) entry through co-ethnic communities accelerates the pace at which MNEs establish additional subsidiaries in China. We also find that co-ethnic community effects continue to influence within-country MNE activities over time, despite a host of economic, institutional, and investment developments.},
author = {Stallkamp, Maximilian and Pinkham, Brian C. and Schotter, Andreas P.J. and Buchel, Olha},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-016-0060-x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Stallkamp et al. - 2018 - Core or periphery The effects of country-of-origin agglomerations on the within-country expansion of MNEs.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {FDI agglomeration,MNE subnational expansion,co-ethnic FDI,core–periphery framework,geo-visualization},
month = {oct},
number = {8},
pages = {942--966},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Core or periphery? The effects of country-of-origin agglomerations on the within-country expansion of MNEs}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Sartor2018,
abstract = {While extant theory suggests that the pervasiveness of host market government corruption should influence the equity ownership decisions of foreign-investing multinational enterprises (MNEs), empirical research has produced inconclusive results. We leverage insights from transaction cost economics to advance an uncertainty-oriented framework which can be used to explain the impact of host market government corruption on the equity-based entry strategies of MNEs. We disaggregate government corruption into two distinct components (grand corruption and petty corruption). We propose that grand and petty corruption precipitate different types of uncertainty (environmental and behavioral) which motivate MNEs to vary their equity-based foreign entry strategies (entry mode and partnering). Hypotheses pertaining to the entry strategies of MNEs under conditions of more pervasive grand and petty corruption are developed and tested with a sample of 643 Japanese investments in 30 countries between 2004 and 2007. We find that the main effect of grand corruption and the interaction between grand and petty corruption significantly impact a MNEs entry mode. Further, while more pervasive grand corruption increases the likelihood that a MNE will engage in a joint venture investment with a host country partner, we find that an increase in petty corruption heightens a MNEs preference to invest with a home country partner.},
author = {Sartor, Michael A. and Beamish, Paul W.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0115-7},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sartor, Beamish - 2018 - Host market government corruption and the equity-based foreign entry strategies of multinational enterprises.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {bribery,corruption,entry mode,joint ventures,transaction cost economics,uncertainty},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {346--370},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Host market government corruption and the equity-based foreign entry strategies of multinational enterprises}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@misc{Lel2018,
abstract = {This study investigates the role of foreign institutional investors (FIIs) in restraining earnings management activities of firms under varying levels of investor protection. Firms manage their earnings less when independent FIIs are among their shareholders, especially for firms in which monitoring is more valuable – firms in weak investor protection countries and when firms have greater growth opportunities. These effects are robust to a quasi-exogenous shock to FIIs' shareholdings, unobserved firm heterogeneity, and alternative earning management measures. FIIs are associated with an increase in foreign director presence on corporate boards and audit committees.},
author = {Lel, Ugur},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0195-z},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lel - 2018 - The role of foreign institutional investors in restraining earnings management activities across countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {agency theory,corporate governance,earnings management,institutional domestic and foreign investors,investor protection,longitudinal},
month = {aug},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{The role of foreign institutional investors in restraining earnings management activities across countries}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Doh2017,
abstract = {For nearly two decades, scholars in international business and management have explored the implications of institutional voids for firm strategy and structure. Although institutional voids offer both opportunities and challenges, they have largely been associated with firms' efforts to avoid or mitigate institutional deficiencies and reduce the transaction costs associated with operating in settings subject to those institutional shortcomings. The goal of this special issue is to advance scholarship on this topic by (a) exploring institutional voids that are new to the literature, (b) providing a deeper assessment of the different ways in which firms respond to these voids, and (c) utilizing diverse disciplines and theoretical approaches to do so. In this introduction, we first review and synthesize extant research on institutional voids, tracking the evolution of institutional void scholarship since the inception of the concept (Khanna {\&} Palepu, Journal of Economic Literature, 45(2):331-372, 1997) and providing our perspective on its contributions and limitations. We then summarize the contributions of the articles included in this special issue. In addition to identifying an array of institutional voids - economic and social - the articles highlight four different strategies for responding to them: internalization, substitution, borrowing and signaling. Drawing on these, we develop new insights on the implications of institutional voids for firm behavior. We conclude with suggestions for future research.},
author = {Doh, Jonathan and Rodrigues, Suzana and Saka-Helmhout, Ayse and Makhija, Mona},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-017-0074-z},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Doh et al. - 2017 - International business responses to institutional voids.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Institutional voids,Institutions and international business,Market and nonmarket strategies,Multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,Transaction costs},
number = {3},
pages = {293--307},
title = {{International business responses to institutional voids}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Vahlne2014,
abstract = {We define globalization as the geographical dispersion of multinational enterprises (MNEs)' value chain, in combination with increased inter-regional coordination, and use detailed firm-level data to show that 12 of Sweden's 17 largest manufacturing companies indeed are global. By developing a Globalization Process Model we theoretically argue, in contrast to much of the existing literature, that globalization may evolve to a more general phenomenon. The globalization process is tortuous as MNEs have to develop dynamic capabilities which make them gradually more competitive and able to cope with varying institutional contexts. Empirical testing on globalization of MNEs originating from other home countries is suggested. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business.},
author = {Vahlne, Jan Erik and Ivarsson, Inge},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2013.60},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vahlne, Ivarsson - 2014 - The globalization of Swedish MNEs Empirical evidence and theoretical explanations.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00472506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Globalization,Globalization process model,Multinational enterprises (MNEs),Reconfiguration and coordination},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {227--247},
title = {{The globalization of Swedish MNEs: Empirical evidence and theoretical explanations}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Chen2016,
abstract = {This article evaluates the effect of adopting Internet-enabled information and communication technology (ICT adoption) on the decision to reorganize production across national borders (foreign boundary decision) by multinational enterprises (MNEs). Using a transaction cost framework, we argue that ICT adoption influences foreign boundary decisions by lowering coordination costs both internally and externally for the firm. We propose that the heterogeneity in the technology's characteristics, namely complexity and the production processes' degree of codifiability, moderate this influence. Using a difference-in-differences methodology and exploiting the richness of confidential US Census Bureau microdata, we find that overall ICT adoption is positively associated with greater likelihood of in-house production, as measured by increases in intra-firm trade shares. Furthermore, we find that more complex forms of ICT are associated with larger increases in intra-firm trade shares. Finally, our results indicate that MNEs in industries in which production specifications are more easily codified in an electronic format are less likely to engage in intra-firm relative to arm's length trade following ICT adoption.},
author = {Chen, Wenjie and Kamal, Fariha},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2016.6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chen, Kamal - 2016 - The impact of information and communication technology adoption on multinational firm boundary decisions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {IT/IS infrastructure,information technology,intra-firm trade,intraorganizational structures,transaction cost theory},
month = {jun},
number = {5},
pages = {563--576},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{The impact of information and communication technology adoption on multinational firm boundary decisions}},
volume = {47},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Regner2014,
abstract = {Scholars increasingly emphasize the impact of institutions on multinational enterprises (MNEs), but the opposite relationship has attracted less research - that is, MNE agency in relation to institutions. Based on a comparative case study of six MNEs from the United States and Sweden, this paper remedies this. It explores and explicates MNE subunits' strategic responses to host country institutional constraints and opportunities in five different regions. A new-institutional approach is adopted, which allows for an investigation of MNE subunit agency in relation to normative and cognitive institutions, as well as regulative ones. This fine-grained analysis reveals not only what kinds of responses MNE subunits invoke, but why and how they are able to respond. We identify four strategic responses by which subunits shape, transpose and evade institutions in the pursuit of competitive advantage: Innovation, Arbitrage, Circumvention and Adaptation. These responses are driven by three key enablers: multinationality, foreignness and institutional ambiguity - that serve to enhance and heighten three mechanisms: reflexivity, role expectations and resources. By linking the enablers and the mechanisms to specific types of strategic responses in a framework and typology, the paper not only contributes to emerging research on the interplay between MNEs, institutions and strategy, but to strategy practice. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business.},
author = {Regn{\'{e}}r, Patrick and Edman, Jesper},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2013.66},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Regn{\'{e}}r, Edman - 2014 - MNE institutional advantage How subunits shape, transpose and evade host country institutions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00472506},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Case-theoretic approaches,Competitive advantage,Institutional context,Multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,Neoinstitutional theory,Strategy and business strategy},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {275--302},
title = {{MNE institutional advantage: How subunits shape, transpose and evade host country institutions}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Sood2018,
abstract = {There is scant research on the important managerial question of how to maximize returns on investments in either international business or international marketing literature. We propose and test a conceptual framework using data from a large technology manufacturer-service provider. Despite early adoption by innovators and early adopters, the early majority segment is most profitable. However, the late majority segment and the early adopters segment are the next most profitable in the developed and emerging countries, respectively. We propose a decision support framework incorporating cross-national distances on single-generation and multi-generation profitability for MNEs offering multi-generational products in multinational markets to be more profitable.},
author = {Sood, Ashish and Kumar, V.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0163-7},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Sood, Kumar - 2018 - Client profitability of diffusion segments across countries for multi-generational innovations The influence of fir.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {developed and emerging countries,diffusion of innovation,new product adoption,profitability,successive product generation},
month = {dec},
number = {9},
pages = {1237--1262},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Client profitability of diffusion segments across countries for multi-generational innovations: The influence of firm, market, and cross-national differences}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@misc{Witte2019,
abstract = {Owing to a production error, the coefficients of the BRD (ln) * localized and Greenfield FDI variables were not correctly displayed in the even columns of Table 2 in the original article. A corrected version of this table is provided here. The corrected values areitalicized.},
author = {Witte, Caroline T. and Burger, Martijn J. and Ianchovichina, Elena I. and Pennings, Enrico},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0200-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Witte et al. - 2019 - Correction to Dodging bullets The heterogeneous effect of political violence on greenfield FDI (Journal of Interna.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
month = {apr},
number = {3},
pages = {454--455},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Correction to: Dodging bullets: The heterogeneous effect of political violence on greenfield FDI (Journal of International Business Studies, (2017), 48, 7, (862-892), 10.1057/s41267-017-0079-7)}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Edwards2016,
abstract = {Drawing on a dataset constructed from a parallel series of nationally representative surveys of multinational companies (MNCs), we compare the performance management (PM) practices of MNCs in the UK, Ireland, Canada, Spain, Denmark and Norway. In each country we analyze data relating to MNCs from that country and of the foreign affiliates of US MNCs. We argue that there is evidence of standardization in the nature of practices across countries, particularly evident in the analysis of US MNCs. Standardization of practices among MNCs is also evident in the rather limited variation in practices between US and indigenous MNCs within each country. Moreover, even where there is evidence of variation across and within countries, this cannot be fully explained by adaptation to local institutional constraints but rather can be seen as the product of how distinct national contexts can promote the take-up of practices.},
author = {Edwards, Tony and S{\'{a}}nchez-Mangas, Roc{\'{i}}o and Jalette, Patrice and Lavelle, Jonathan and Minbaeva, Dana},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-016-0003-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Edwards et al. - 2016 - Global standardization or national differentiation of HRM practices in multinational companies A comparison of m.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {Comparative HRM,Institutional theory,Multinational corporations (MNCs) and enterprises,Survey method},
month = {dec},
number = {8},
pages = {997--1021},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Global standardization or national differentiation of HRM practices in multinational companies? A comparison of multinationals in five countries}},
volume = {47},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Kandogan2018,
abstract = {Drawing from political science alliance theories, we explain why countries are likely to enter regional trade agreements. We argue that the probability that this will happen is higher if the countries are allies in the same international governmental organizations (IGOs), as such alliances can help build trust and reduce political risk. Our results show that IGO scope and also partner reliability and influence in the IGO network play important roles. Our findings provide guidance to multinational enterprises in formulating regionalization strategies.},
author = {Kandogan, Yener and Hiller, Jens},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0152-x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kandogan, Hiller - 2018 - Alliances in international governmental organizations, regional trade agreement formation, and multinational e.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {alliances,international institutions,logistic regression,path dependence,political risk,regional strategy or strategies},
month = {aug},
number = {6},
pages = {729--742},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Alliances in international governmental organizations, regional trade agreement formation, and multinational enterprise regionalization strategy}},
volume = {49},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Miletkov2017,
abstract = {Foreign directors can affect firm value through their advising and monitoring functions. However, the demand for these directors, as well as their effect on firm performance is likely to be influenced by firm-and country-level characteristics. In a large sample of non-US firms, we find that foreign directors are more likely to be associated with firms that have more foreign operations and an international shareholder base, and firms that are located in countries with a limited supply of potentially qualified domestic directors-countries with a smaller, less well-educated populace and lower levels of capital market development. We also find that the association between foreign directors and firm performance is more positive in countries with lower quality legal institutions, and when the director comes from a country with higher quality legal institutions than the firm's host country. Our study highlights the importance of considering national demographic factors and levels of capital market development when modeling the supply and demand for foreign directors, and also underscores the importance of institutional quality in the foreign director's home and host country when assessing the effect of that director on firm performance.},
author = {Miletkov, Mihail and Poulsen, Annette and {Babajide Wintoki}, M.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-016-0033-0},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Miletkov, Poulsen, Babajide Wintoki - 2017 - Foreign independent directors and the quality of legal institutions.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {agency theory,board of directors,foreign directors,incorporating country variables,institutional context,institutional theory,multiple regression analysis},
month = {feb},
number = {2},
pages = {267--292},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Foreign independent directors and the quality of legal institutions}},
volume = {48},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Lu2014,
abstract = {We examine the extent to which Chinese government support of foreign direct investment (FDI) projects and host country institutional environments interact with prior entry experience by Chinese firms, and how this interrelationship affects FDI undertaken by Chinese firms. We hypothesize that home country government support and well-established host country institutions enhance organizational capabilities to take risks in FDI. As such, they reduce the need to accumulate experiential knowledge and capabilities relating to entering host countries based on prior entry experience in a particular country when undertaking follow-up investment projects. Using a unique, hand-collected panel data set of Chinese publicly listed firms during 2002-2009, we find that home government support and well-developed host country institutions reduce the importance of prior entry experience and significantly increase the likelihood of FDI entry into a host country. Further, from our subsample analyses we identify differences between entering developed and developing host countries in terms of the impact of home country government support and quality of host country institutions. Our findings help explain the puzzle concerning why emerging economy firms have rapidly internationalized in a short period of time and do not follow the pattern predicted by classical IB theories. {\textcopyright} 2014 Academy of International Business All rights reserved.},
author = {Lu, Jiangyong and Liu, Xiaohui and Wright, Mike and Filatotchev, Igor},
doi = {10.1057/jibs.2013.68},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lu et al. - 2014 - International experience and FDI location choices of Chinese firms The moderating effects of home country government.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
number = {4},
pages = {428--449},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{International experience and FDI location choices of Chinese firms: The moderating effects of home country government support and host country institutions}},
volume = {45},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Inkpen2019,
abstract = {Knowledge leakage as an undesirable outcome for MNEs is an accepted view in IB literature. We challenge this view and argue that knowledge leakage is often unintentional, unavoidable, and beneficial for the MNE. In a highly networked and information-rich society, knowledge leakage from MNEs (1) happens naturally due to interfirm relationships, interactions, and socialization, (2) is unavoidable due to employee mobility, and (3) facilitates knowledge inflows due to the reciprocity nature of knowledge exchange and hence is beneficial for MNEs. In addition, the costs of protecting knowledge incurred by an MNE will often outweigh the benefits.},
author = {Inkpen, Andrew and Minbaeva, Dana and Tsang, Eric W.K.},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-018-0164-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Inkpen, Minbaeva, Tsang - 2019 - Unintentional, unavoidable, and beneficial knowledge leakage from the multinational enterprise.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
keywords = {knowledge leakage,knowledge protection,reciprocity},
month = {mar},
number = {2},
pages = {250--260},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Unintentional, unavoidable, and beneficial knowledge leakage from the multinational enterprise}},
volume = {50},
year = {2019}
}
@misc{Verbeke2019,
abstract = {We propose an analytical business history approach, informed by new internalisation theory, to study managerial governance adaptation in the multinational enterprise (MNE). We shed new light on the timing and the scale of managerial governance adaptation. These two issues have remained largely unaddressed in mainstream international business theory. We uncover the importance of delayed, larger-scale governance adaptation as a response to cumulative, localised commitment failures. We illustrate our new perspective on managerial governance adaptation by providing a short retrospective of Wilkins and Hill's (American business abroad: Ford on six continents, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1964) classic historical account of Ford Motor Company's expansion across six continents between 1903 and 1963. Our brief retrospective highlights the value of in-depth historical analysis, informed by umbrella behavioural assumptions, such as those adopted in new internalisation theory-based research, to gain improved understanding of international strategy and governance trajectories of large MNEs.},
author = {Verbeke, Alain and Fariborzi, Hadi},
booktitle = {Journal of International Business Studies},
doi = {10.1057/s41267-019-00251-7},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Verbeke, Fariborzi - 2019 - Managerial governance adaptation in the multinational enterprise In honour of Mira Wilkins.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14786990},
keywords = {Mira Wilkins,adaptation,bounded rationality,bounded reliability,managerial governance,multinational enterprise,multinational head office,new internalisation theory,subsidiary},
month = {oct},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan Ltd.},
title = {{Managerial governance adaptation in the multinational enterprise: In honour of Mira Wilkins}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Wellhausen2016,
abstract = {Systematic data about investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) are increasingly important to our understanding of modern relations between states and multinational corporations. This article updates Susan Franck's 'Empirically Evaluating Claims about Investment Treaty Arbitration' (2007) and complements Thomas Schultz and Cedric Dupont's 'Investment Arbitration: Promoting the Rule of Law or Over-empowering Investors? A Quantitative Empirical Study' (2015). I use a political science lens to explore data on the modern incarnation of ISDS, from 1990 to 2014. The article addresses topics including: (i) the industry, nationality and other characteristics of arbitration filers; (ii) win, loss, settlement and annulment rates; and (iii) trends in amounts claimed and amounts awarded. It also serves to introduce the accompanying data set. A central takeaway is that users of the de facto ISDS regime are incredibly diverse. Nonetheless, both proponents and detractors of ISDS may find fodder for their positions in recent developments.},
author = {Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
doi = {10.1093/jnlids/idv038},
issn = {2040-3593},
journal = {Journal of International Dispute Settlement},
month = {mar},
number = {1},
pages = {117--135},
title = {{Recent Trends in Investor–State Dispute Settlement}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/jids/article/7/1/117/2357934},
volume = {7},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Johns2018,
abstract = {Many policies that appear to violate WTO rules remain unchallenged, even as they have a significant economic impact. Why is this? We argue that the likelihood that a country challenges a protectionist policy is linked to how concentrated or diffuse that policy is. When it is concentrated, litigation is a private good. But when a policy is diffuse, affecting many states, litigation is a public good and countries face a collective action problem: each country seeks to free ride on others' litigation. The resulting selection effect has two consequences. First, we see a longer enforcement delay for diffuse trade violations. Second, states require higher odds of success to overcome the collective action problem, meaning that conditional on being filed, cases that challenge concentrated policies are less likely to succeed. Examining all WTO disputes, we leverage selection effects to test our argument using data on the timing and outcomes of trade disputes.},
author = {Johns, Leslie and Pelc, Krzysztof J.},
doi = {10.1086/697463},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johns, Pelc - 2018 - Free riding on enforcement in the world trade organization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {873--889},
title = {{Free riding on enforcement in the world trade organization}},
volume = {80},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Betz2017,
author = {Betz, Timm},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Betz - 2017 - Trading Interests Domestic Institutions, International Negotiations, and the Politics of Trade.pdf:pdf},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {1237--1252},
title = {{Trading Interests: Domestic Institutions, International Negotiations, and the Politics of Trade}},
volume = {79},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Johns2019,
abstract = {After decades of broad, bipartisan support for global economic integration, US politics has been shaken by a backlash against global economic governance. The promise of internationally derived gains no longer suffices to smooth over domestic distributional consequences. The Trump administration has turned inward, shunning multilateral governance and raising the following question: If the US and other protectionist governments step back from global economic governance, what will step forward? We contend that weakened global governance is unlikely to cause economic integration itself to unravel. Powerful business interests that benefit from the global economy can use private governance to set their own regulatory agendas using their market power. By stepping away from global governance, states weaken their own bargaining power vis-{\`{a}}-vis powerful domestic groups and curtail the influence of civil society groups. Paradoxically, the Trump administration's step back from global governance would leave power in the hands of firms that predominantly benefit from the status quo.},
author = {Johns, Leslie and Pelc, Krzysztof J. and Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
doi = {10.1086/702231},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johns, Pelc, Wellhausen - 2019 - How a retreat from global economic governance may empower business interests.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0022-3816},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
month = {apr},
number = {2},
pages = {731--738},
title = {{How a Retreat from Global Economic Governance May Empower Business Interests}},
url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/702231},
volume = {81},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Zhu2019,
abstract = {There are considerable scholarly debates regarding the real consequences of corruption. Recent studies have looked into the organization of corruption, and argued that predictable corruption, in which bribers are guaranteed the delivery of government services, is less distortionary and more efficiency-enhancing than arbitrary corruption in which officials engage in simple plunder. Yet, the empirical evidence is mixed. Leveraging a vignette experiment embedded in a firm survey in China, we find that overseas investors always consider corruption detrimental. Only high productivity and fixed-asset intensive investors view predictable corruption more favorably than arbitrary corruption. Additionally, we find that compared to arbitrary corruption, predictable corruption is not associated with a significantly higher probability of market entry, but it increases the likelihood of majority ownership. Overall, the results provide little evidence that corruption “greases the wheels of commerce” even in a most likely case, and suggest that the benefits of predictable corruption are limited.},
author = {Zhu, Boliang and Shi, Weiyi},
doi = {10.1086/704326},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zhu, Shi - 2019 - Greasing the Wheels of Commerce Corruption and Foreign Investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0022-3816},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {1311--1327},
title = {{Greasing the Wheels of Commerce? Corruption and Foreign Investment}},
volume = {81},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Baccini2014,
abstract = {How do domestic politics influence the formation of international institutions, and how do international institutions shape domestic politics? These questions cannot be answered in isolation because national leaders form and join international institutions to advance their domestic interests. We illuminate the relationship between international institutions and domestic politics by analyzing whether preferential trading agreements (PTAs) promote liberal economic reform. In developing countries, leaders engage in PTA negotiations with major powers (European Union and United States) when these leaders want to implement reforms but cannot do so due to domestic political opposition and a lack of credible commitment. PTA negotiations promote economic reform by enabling credible commitment and allowing the leader to condition the implementation of the PTA on liberal policies. {\textcopyright} 2013 Southern Political Science Association.},
author = {Baccini, Leonardo and Urpelainen, Johannes},
doi = {10.1017/S0022381613001278},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baccini, Urpelainen - 2014 - International institutions and domestic politics Can preferential trading agreements help leaders promote e.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223816},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {195--214},
title = {{International institutions and domestic politics: Can preferential trading agreements help leaders promote economic reform?}},
volume = {76},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Betz2019a,
abstract = {Why are some countries more open to trade than others? Prominent explanations emphasize differences in the influence of voters as consumers. Consumers benefit from lower prices. Because governments in democracies are more responsive to voters, they should implement lower tariffs. We develop and evaluate an implication of this line of argument. If lower tariffs are a response to consumer interests, lower tariffs should be concentrated on products most relevant to consumers. Using data on consumption shares across product categories, we report evidence that consumer interests do not account for lower tariffs. Governments place higher tariffs on goods with higher consumption shares, and we find no evidence that this relationship attenuates under more democratic institutions. There may be a variety of reasons why more democratic states are engaged in higher levels of international trade. A larger concern for consumer interests, however, is likely not among them.},
author = {Betz, Timm and Pond, Amy},
doi = {10.1086/701493},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Betz, Pond - 2019 - The absence of consumer interests in trade policy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {585--600},
title = {{The absence of consumer interests in trade policy}},
volume = {81},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Johns2016a,
abstract = {The participation deficit in global governance is usually blamed on power politics; we argue it may actually reflect strategic behavior by excluded countries themselves. In the World Trade Organization, member-states affected by a trade dispute can join litigation as "third parties" to gain access to otherwise private negotiations. In spite of its considerable benefit and negligible cost, third-party participation remains rare. Countries often stay out even when they have a material interest at stake. Why is this?We argue that because the presence of third parties decreases the odds of a settlement and increases the odds of litigation, strategic states may choose to stay out to avoid acting as involuntary spoilers. All states benefit from a swift resolution to trade disputes, so the benefit of participation decreases as more states join a case. We test our model by examining each country's decision to participate or not in every WTO dispute since 1995. The findings support our theory: states shy away from joining when it is too crowded.},
author = {Johns, Leslie and Pelc, Krzysztof J.},
doi = {10.1086/683193},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johns, Pelc - 2016 - Fear of crowds in world trade organization disputes Why don't more countries participate.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {88--104},
title = {{Fear of crowds in world trade organization disputes: Why don't more countries participate?}},
volume = {78},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Dearborn2019,
author = {Dearborn, John A.},
doi = {10.1086/702168},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dearborn - 2019 - American imperial development.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
title = {{American imperial development}},
volume = {81},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Andrews2018,
abstract = {The tension between global economic integration and ethnocentrism is a growing political force across industrialized countries. Whereas extant research emphasizes ethnocentrism's influence on individual attitudes, we show that ethnocentrism has direct economic costs. We exploit strong public support for greenfield foreign direct investment (FDI) to isolate ethnocentrism's costs. Our analysis of US state greenfield FDI flows during 2004-12 holds constant country-level factors that correlate with both ethnocentrism and propensity to receive FDI. A 1 standard deviation increase in state ethnocentrism, as manifest in anti-immigrant sentiment, corresponds to approximately {\$}229 million less greenfield FDI and 180 fewer jobs per state-year on average. Findings are robust to controls for state economic conditions, transactions costs, existing FDI stock, demographics, and state partisanship. These findings clarify the economic cost of ethnocentrismbased political strategies and suggest that mass political sentiment constrains global economic integration.},
author = {Andrews, Sarah and Leblang, David and Pandya, Sonal S.},
doi = {10.1086/694916},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {697--700},
title = {{Ethnocentrism reduces foreign direct investment}},
volume = {80},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Hellwig2014,
abstract = {Researchers remain divided on the consequences of market integration. Some argue that openness increases pressures for social protection; others claim that liberalization constrains policy makers. These debates gloss over a key link between globalization and domestic politics: the preferences of the electorate. This article argues that exposure to flows of goods, services, and capital matters for policy attitudes. However, the extent to which signals from the world economy affect preferences depends on issue domain. Voters respond to signals from the world economy by demanding less in areas where constrained governments can no longer deliver but more where they still can. The implication is that while globalization has no consistent influence on general support for government action, it does matter for the composition of policy preferences. A range of data analyses supports these claims. Results shed new light on arguments about the effect of globalization on domestic politics. {\textcopyright} 2013 Southern Political Science Association.},
author = {Hellwig, Timothy},
doi = {10.1017/S002238161300128X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hellwig - 2014 - Balancing demands The world economy and the composition of policy preferences.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00223816},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {1--14},
title = {{Balancing demands: The world economy and the composition of policy preferences}},
volume = {76},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Bodea2015,
abstract = {Research on central bank independence (CBI) focuses overwhelmingly on domestic causes and consequences. We consider CBI in relation to global finance. A first step links decisions to reform central bank legislation to a perceived need to attract capital in the form of foreign direct investment or sovereign borrowing. A second step models investors' actual decisions as a function of CBI. We test our argument on a sample of 78 countries (1974-2007). Logit models investigate the determinants of central bank reform. Results show the effect of international capital through a directcompetition channel and through learning in the context of competition. Socialization of countries in networks of intergovernmental organizations is also a determinant of CBI reform. In addition, we show that CBI affects the flow and cost of capital in non-OECD countries, before CBI became globally widespread, and where political institutions allow the central bank to de facto be credible.},
author = {Bodea, Cristina and Hicks, Raymond},
doi = {10.1086/678987},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bodea, Hicks - 2015 - International finance and central bank independence Institutional diffusion and the flow and cost of capital.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {268--284},
title = {{International finance and central bank independence: Institutional diffusion and the flow and cost of capital}},
volume = {77},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Malik2018,
abstract = {The World Bank withholds loan disbursements in order to build a reputation for enforcing conditionality, and multinational firms lobby for these funds to be released. Using data drawn from World Bank reports, we find evidence that (1) participation by Fortune 500 multinational corporations as project contractors and (2) investments by these firms are associated with disbursements that are unjustified by project performance. In addition, these measures of corporate interest are associated with inflated project evaluations. These effects are limited to multinational corporations headquartered in the United States or Japan, suggesting that the influence of private actors depends on access to particular national policy networks. In contrast to the evidence of corporate influence, we find no consistent evidence of geopolitical influences.},
author = {Malik, Rabia and Stone, Randall W.},
doi = {10.1086/694102},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Malik, Stone - 2018 - Corporate influence in world bank lending.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {103--118},
title = {{Corporate influence in world bank lending}},
volume = {80},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Tomashevskiy2017,
abstract = {Why do foreign investors invest in authoritarian regimes despite higher political risks? In this paper, I evaluate the relationship between foreign direct investment (FDI), coups, and political risk. I develop a formal model of leadership dynamics in authoritarian regimes and examine how the initial investment decision by foreign investors is affected by expected likelihood of coups. Using the formal model, I discriminate between diverging predictions made by the "greed" and "patronage" models of authoritarian regime dynamics. Accounting for both the "greed" and "patronage" mechanisms, I demonstrate that patronage effects predominate and that increasing FDI reduces the risk of a coup. Investors are more likely to send larger FDI amounts to authoritarian states when coup risk is high to increase the likelihood of a peaceful patronage equilibrium. Using a large-n test, I find that FDI reduces the likelihood of coups, while higher coup risk is associated with increased FDI in less mobile sectors.},
author = {Tomashevskiy, Andrey},
doi = {10.1086/688356},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Tomashevskiy - 2017 - Investing in violence Foreign direct investment and coups in authoritarian regimes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14682508},
journal = {Journal of Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {409--423},
title = {{Investing in violence: Foreign direct investment and coups in authoritarian regimes}},
volume = {79},
year = {2017}
}
@incollection{Herzog2017,
abstract = {To invest in a foreign country is to take a gamble for profit. To take a gamble for profit is to assume the risk of suffering a loss, with a certain upshot for one's rights. In assuming the risk voluntarily, one forgoes any claim to be compensated, should one's luck go south. Investor treaties increasingly grant foreign investors a right to be compensated for losses due to new state regulation. This chapter argues that certain ideas of “investor rights” exhibit a confusion about the very nature of an investment and about the social relations of international trade that give risk-taking its social purpose. The argument develops both utilitarian and social contract theory positions, and challenges appeals to investor natural rights, especially natural promissory rights.},
author = {James, Aaron},
booktitle = {Just Financial Markets?: Finance in a Just Society},
doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198755661.001.0001},
editor = {Herzog, Lisa},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/James - 2017 - Investor rights as nonsense—on stilts Aaron.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780198755661},
month = {may},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Investor rights as nonsense—on stilts Aaron}},
url = {http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780198755661.001.0001/oso-9780198755661},
volume = {1},
year = {2017}
}
@article{bowles2017china,
abstract = {Today, by many accounts, China is the world's foremost purveyor of foreign aid and foreign investment to developing countries. This is the product of China's miracle economic growth over a period of more than three decades, together with China's drive to become a major player in world affairs and accomplish this through economic rather than military means. This three-volume work is the first comprehensive study of China's aid and investment strategy to trace how it has evolved since Beijing launched its foreign aid diplomacy at the time of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. Volume I examines the definitions, origins, nature, and scope of foreign aid and investment by other countries. Using that background, John F. Copper then traces China's financial assistance to developing countries from the Mao period - when China gave meaningful foreign aid despite its own economic struggles - through the beginning of China's post-1978 economic boom and during subsequent decades of rapid economic growth. Copper shows that China has a more salient history in giving foreign assistance than any other country in the world; while China's objectives in giving foreign assistance have changed markedly over time, China has always been driven by efforts to realize its foreign policy objectives and expand China's external influence.},
author = {Bowles, Paul},
journal = {Pacific Affairs},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
number = {2},
pages = {322--324},
publisher = {Pacific Affairs, a division of the University of British Columbia},
title = {{China's Foreign Aid and Investment Diplomacy, Volume I: Nature, Scope, and Origins. By John F. Copper China's Foreign Aid and Investment Diplomacy, Volume II: History and Practice in Asia, 1950-Present. By John F. Copper China's Foreign Aid and Investment}},
volume = {90},
year = {2017}
}
@article{wren2016understanding,
abstract = {This book brings together previous work by the authors that explores the location of foreign direct investment. It uses a broad range of approaches and quantitative techniques. The issues that are addressed concern the changing nature of FDI location, its determinants, and the role of policy in attracting FDI. The chapters of this book focus on the UK experience, but also analyse the location determinants at a European level. The authors present expert analysis that charts the increase in FDI since the mid-1980s and examines the shift in manufacturing and service location, arguing that these result from policy changes and the creation of the European Single Market. Overall, the book finds that the regional benefit of FDI location is unlikely to be long-lasting, owing both to the nature of plant reinvestment and to the effect of agglomeration economics on FDI location.},
author = {Wren, C and Jones, J},
journal = {Palgrave Advances in Regional and Urban Economics},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Newcastle University},
title = {{Understanding the Location of Foreign Direct Investment}},
year = {2016}
}
@incollection{Akyuz2017,
abstract = {Recent years have also seen increased openness of EDEs to foreign direct investment (FDI) in search for faster growth and greater stability. However, FDI is one of the most ambiguous and least understood concepts in international economics. Common debate is confounded by several myths regarding its nature and impact. It is often portrayed as a stable, cross-border flow of capital that adds to productive capacity and meets foreign exchange shortfalls. However, the reality is far more complex. FDI does not always involve inflows of financial or real capital. Greenfield investment, unlike mergers and acquisitions, makes a direct contribution to productive capacity, but can crowd out domestic investors. FDI can induce significant instability in currency and financial markets. Its immediate contribution to balance-of-payments may be positive, but its longer-term impact is often negative because of high-profit remittances and import contents.},
author = {Aky{\"{u}}z, Yilmaz},
booktitle = {Playing with Fire Deepened Financial Integration and Changing Vulnerabilities of the Global South},
doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198797173.001.0001},
editor = {Aky{\"{u}}z, Yilmaz},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aky{\"{u}}z - 2017 - Foreign Direct Investment.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780198797173},
month = {jul},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Foreign Direct Investment}},
url = {http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780198797173.001.0001/oso-9780198797173},
volume = {1},
year = {2017}
}
@incollection{Akyuz2017a,
abstract = {Superior technology and management skills of transnational corporations (TNCs) can bring significant benefits to EDEs. However, they cannot be expected to pass willingly the competencies that bring them competitive advantages or act with a developmental perspective and help build potentially efficient local industries. Their contribution to industrialization and development depends very much on deliberate policies of host countries. Lessons from experience suggest that successful examples are found not among EDEs that attracted more FDI, but among those which used it effectively in the context of national industrial policy. However, the past two decades have seen a rapid erosion of policy space in EDEs as a result of bilateral investment treaties signed with more advanced economies, allowing significant leverage to international investors. There is a strong case for renegotiating or terminating them since they greatly compromise the ability of EDEs to benefit from FDI for industrialization and development.},
author = {Aky{\"{u}}z, Yilmaz},
booktitle = {Playing with Fire: Deepened Financial Integration and Changing Vulnerabilities of the Global South},
doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198797173.001.0001},
editor = {Aky{\"{u}}z, Yilmaz},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Aky{\"{u}}z - 2017 - FDI, Industrialization, and Development Role of Policy.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {9780198797173},
month = {jul},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{FDI, Industrialization, and Development: Role of Policy}},
url = {http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/oso/9780198797173.001.0001/oso-9780198797173},
volume = {1},
year = {2017}
}
@article{sahoo2014foreign,
abstract = {During the 1990s, the governments of South Asian countries acted as ‘facilitators' to attract FDI. As a result, the inflow of FDI increased. However, to become an attractive FDI destination as China, Singapore, or Brazil, South Asia has to improve the local conditions of doing business. This book, based on research that blends theory, empirical evidence, and policy, asks and attempts to answer a few core questions relevant to FDI policy in South Asian countries: Which major reforms have succeeded? What are the factors that influence FDI inflows? What has been the impact of FDI on macroeconomic performance? Which policy priorities/reforms needed to boost FDI are pending? These questions and answers should interest policy makers, academics, and all those interested in FDI in the South Asian region and in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Pakistan.},
author = {Sahoo, Pravakar and Nataraj, Geethanjali and Dash, Ranjan Kumar},
journal = {Policy, Impact, Determinants and Challenges, Springer},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment},
publisher = {Springer},
title = {{Foreign direct investment in South Asia}},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Osgood2017d,
abstract = {Does globalization provide an escape from discriminatory legal and social institutions for women-owned enterprises? We develop an original test of this proposition based on a model of firm het-erogeneity with discriminatory costs. Discriminatory institutions raise barriers to entry and increase costs of production, allowing only the most productive women-owned firms to survive. If the costs of discrimination are lower in export markets, the average surviving woman-owned firm is more likely to export and exports a higher proportion of total sales. Using a cross-national data set of firms, we show that while there are significantly fewer women-owned enterprises in countries with discriminatory institutions, these businesses export at higher rates. Global markets therefore provide an important, albeit imperfect, alternative to markets with poor protections of women's rights. Keywords: Women-owned enterprises; discrimination; international trade; firm ownership; gender and ethnicity; international political economy Does globalization reduce or reinforce inequality between men and women? This paper examines one type of globalization-trade openness-and its effects on a particular group-women entrepreneurs in developing countries.},
author = {Osgood, Iain and Peters, Margaret E.},
doi = {10.1561/100.00015177_app},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osgood, Peters, Peters - 2017 - Escape Through Export Women-Owned Enterprises, Domestic Discrimination, and Global Markets.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1554-0626},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
pages = {143--183},
title = {{Escape Through Export? Women-Owned Enterprises, Domestic Discrimination, and Global Markets}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00015177{\_}appSupplementaryMaterialavailablefrom:http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00015177{\_}supp},
volume = {12},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Baron2014,
abstract = {This paper presents a theory of self-regulation by a firm or an industry acting collectively in the context of private and public politics. In private politics an activist identifies a social issue, makes a demand on the firm, and threatens a harmful campaign. The firm self-regulates to forestall the campaign or reduce the campaign intensity. Self-regulation is decreasing in the campaign cost and the residual harm to the firm of conceding to a campaign. The activist moderates its demand to increase the forestalling self-regulation, which can lead the firm to incur a campaign. The public politics threat is that a legislature imposes more stringent regulation on the firm. The firm self-regulates to the boundary of the gridlock interval, which negates the power of an agenda-setter and forestalls public politics. Private politics, however, can lead the firm to self-regulate to the interior of the gridlock interval. The firm lobbies to reduce the cost of its self-regulation, and self-regulation and lobbying are substitutes. The activist increases the saliency of the issue to the constituents of pivotal legislators, which increases the cost of lobbying, causing the firm to self-regulate more and lobby less. {\textcopyright} 2014 A. C. Eggers and J. Hainmueller.},
author = {Baron, David P.},
doi = {10.1561/100.00013076},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baron - 2014 - Self-regulation in private and public politics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15540634},
journal = {Quarterly Journal of Political Science},
number = {2},
pages = {231--267},
publisher = {Now Publishers Inc},
title = {{Self-regulation in private and public politics}},
volume = {9},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Cho2016,
abstract = {When is a commitment mechanism employed as a solution to a time-inconsistency problem? This article provides a nuanced answer to this question by studying bilateral investment treaties (BITs). We develop a game theoretic model of BIT signing in which the government of a capital-importing country and an investor from a capital-exporting country strategically interact. The model predicts that, on the one hand, when host states highly value foreign direct investment (FDI), the likelihood of BITs increases as their judicial institutions lack credibility. On the other hand, when their preferences for FDI are only modest, the likelihood of BITs increases as their judicial institutions become more credible. We employ Cox proportional hazard models to test our hypotheses, and the results largely support our theory. Our findings have broad implications for the large literature on credible commitment, which has paid insufficient attention to the interplay between preferences and credibility.},
author = {ju Cho, Seok and Kim, Yong Kyun and Lee, Cheol Sung},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-015-9218-8},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cho, Kim, Lee - 2016 - Credibility, preferences, and bilateral investment treaties.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Bilateral investment treaties,Commitment,Credibility,Foreign direct investment},
number = {1},
pages = {25--58},
title = {{Credibility, preferences, and bilateral investment treaties}},
volume = {11},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Zeng2018,
abstract = {This paper examines the influence of growing global value chain (GVC) integration on the pattern of corporate lobbying for trade liberalization in the United States. We hypothesize that industries with a higher level of foreign content embodied in their exports should be more likely to support trade liberalization. This is because reduced tariff barriers should substantially reduce both the costs of inputs for such industries and the rents that may be obtained through protectionist policies. We test our hypotheses through an examination of the lobbying and election funding activities of the Fortune 500 companies in the U.S. between 2006 and 2012, using the debate over the Trans-Pacific Partnership to orient our analysis. Research findings, which corroborate our main hypotheses, point to the need to revisit conventional models of industry demand for trade liberalization in light of the growing integration of trade, production, and investment activities in the global economy.},
author = {Zeng, Ka and Sebold, Karen and Lu, Yue},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-018-9337-0},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Zeng, Sebold, Lu - 2018 - Global value chains and corporate lobbying for trade liberalization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {F13,F14,F15,Global value chains,Trade liberalization,Trade lobbying,Trans-Pacific Partnership},
title = {{Global value chains and corporate lobbying for trade liberalization}},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Pelc2015,
abstract = {What explains how some international agreements allow countries to buy their way out of violations? In some regimes, offering to compensate affected parties renders a violation permissible; in others, compensation serves at most a provisional function, with full compliance the only satisfactory outcome. While allowing for breach-and-pay in instances where it leaves all parties better off appears optimal, institutions vary a great deal in the extent to which they tolerate such “efficient breach.” To account for this variation, we consider how the design of the agreement affects the odds of mobilization of domestic groups. We argue that when the benefits from violations accrue mainly to government itself, efficient breach does leave governments better off. Yet when governments benefit only indirectly, through the political support offered by interest groups who are the direct beneficiaries of violations, the possibility of efficient breach increases the payoffs from mobilization. In those cases, allowing for efficient breach strengthens the domestic opposition to the very liberalization pursued by the treaty. Our model predicts that international trade agreements should spurn efficient breach, while investment agreements should favor it. We test these implications by considering dispute settlement and enforcement mechanisms in both regimes.},
author = {Pelc, Krzysztof J. and Urpelainen, Johannes},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-015-9214-z},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pelc, Urpelainen - 2015 - When do international economic agreements allow countries to pay to breach.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Dispute settlement,Efficient breach,Enforcement,Institutional design,International organizations,Trade,investment},
number = {2},
pages = {231--264},
title = {{When do international economic agreements allow countries to pay to breach?}},
volume = {10},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Allee2016,
abstract = {To understand why some international institutions have stronger dispute settlement mechanisms (DSMs) than others, we investigate the dispute settlement provisions of nearly 600 preferential trade agreements (PTAs), which possess several desirable case-selection features and are evoked more than is realized. We broaden the study of dispute settlement design beyond “legalization” and instead reorient theorizing around a multi-faceted conceptualization of the strength of DSMs. We posit that strong DSMs are first and foremost a rational response to features of agreements that require stronger dispute settlement, such as depth and large memberships. Multivariate empirical tests using a new data set on PTA design confirm these expectations and reveal that depth – the amount of policy change specified in an agreement – is the most powerful and consistent predictor of DSM strength, providing empirical support to a long-posited but controversial conjecture. Yet power also plays a sizeable role, since agreements among asymmetric members are more likely to have strong DSMs due to their mutual appeal, as are those involving the United States. Important regional differences also emerge, as PTAs across the Americas are designed with strong dispute settlement, as are Asian PTAs, which contradicts the conventional wisdom about Asian values and legalization. Our findings demonstrate that rationalism explains much of international institutional design, yet it can be enhanced by also incorporating power-based and regional explanations.},
author = {Allee, Todd and Elsig, Manfred},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-015-9223-y},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Allee, Elsig - 2016 - Why do some international institutions contain strong dispute settlement provisions New evidence from preferential.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Dispute settlement,Enforcement,Institutional design,Preferential trade agreements,Trade},
number = {1},
pages = {89--120},
title = {{Why do some international institutions contain strong dispute settlement provisions? New evidence from preferential trade agreements}},
volume = {11},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Haftel2018,
abstract = {Given that their main function is to forge durable commitments, it is notable that many international treaties change over time through the practice of renegotiation. While some agreements have remained intact after their initial conclusion, others are amended, updated, or replaced. Why are some international agreements renegotiated while others remain stable? This paper offers a systematic analysis of treaty renegotiation by presenting theoretical propositions and testing them in the context of bilateral investment treaties (BITs). We argue that states renegotiate when they learn new information about the legal and political consequences of their treaty commitments, and that such learning is most likely to take place when states are involved in investor-state dispute settlement cases. Employing an original data set on renegotiated BITs, we find robust empirical support for the learning argument. We conclude by discussing implications for the study of institutional change and the evolving investment regime.},
author = {Haftel, Yoram Z. and Thompson, Alexander},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-017-9276-1},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Haftel, Thompson - 2018 - When do states renegotiate investment agreements The impact of arbitration.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1155801792},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Bilateral investment treaties,International agreements,International institutions,Investment arbitration},
number = {1},
pages = {25--48},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{When do states renegotiate investment agreements? The impact of arbitration}},
volume = {13},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Blanton2018,
abstract = {The existence of shadow economies is an important, yet understudied, issue for international political economy and development. This study examines how two distinct types of international economic engagement—economic openness and participation in International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs—affect the growth of shadow (informal) sectors. We theorize that increased economic openness will reduce the size of countries' shadow sectors. More specifically, we posit that eliminating market-distorting trade barriers will decrease the incentives for shadow sector activities such as smuggling. Additionally, we posit that increased participation in global production and supply chains is likely to lead to a positive, “climb to the top” effect on states' regulatory and labor policies that enhance the prospective benefits associated with formal sectors. Conversely, we argue that participation in IMF structural adjustment programs can lead to great shadow sector activity as IMF-imposed structural conditions might cause significant near-term economic hardship and degrade states' regulatory capacity. The results from a panel of 145 countries from 1971 to 2012 indicate that economic openness reduces the size of the shadow economy, while participation in IMF programs is significantly related to a larger shadow economy. These findings have important implications for understanding how the divergent forms of international economic engagement might affect shadow economies.},
author = {Blanton, Robert G. and Early, Bryan and Peksen, Dursun},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-018-9298-3},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Blanton, Early, Peksen - 2018 - Out of the shadows or into the dark Economic openness, IMF programs, and the growth of shadow economies.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Globalization,IMF,Shadow Economies,Structural adjustment},
number = {2},
pages = {309--333},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{Out of the shadows or into the dark? Economic openness, IMF programs, and the growth of shadow economies}},
volume = {13},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Hoekman2014,
abstract = {The deadlock in the WTO Doha Round has been accompanied by an increased focus on the negotiation of preferential trade agreements, including so-called 'mega-regionals'. This paper discusses possible implications for-and possible responses by-excluded countries that have little prospects of participating in most of the mega-regionals. A number of complementary avenues are identified through which such countries might attenuate the potential downsides of preferential trade liberalization among large countries, as well as some proposals that would expand the scope to pursue cooperation on regulatory policies in the WTO as opposed to PTAs. {\textcopyright} 2014 Springer Science+Business Media New York.},
author = {Hoekman, Bernard},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-014-9187-3},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hoekman - 2014 - Sustaining multilateral trade cooperation in a multipolar world economy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Multilateral cooperation,Regional integration,Trade agreements,WTO},
number = {2},
pages = {241--260},
title = {{Sustaining multilateral trade cooperation in a multipolar world economy}},
volume = {9},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Kim2019c,
abstract = {This paper investigates how the rise of global value chains (GVCs) in international trade affects the political economy of trade disputes. It addresses the gap between the domestic and international politics of trade disputes, which is especially relevant in these times as populist nationalism favors protectionist forces. We advance the argument that firms face institutional disadvantages in opposing protectionist forces at home, as observed in how contesting firms fare in US anti-dumping cases. As a consequence, they have incentive to seek cross-border cooperation with firms along the supply chain to escalate the adoption of anti-dumping measures to WTO dispuftes. The paper implements a two-stage empirical strategy. First, we examine the political contestation around US anti-dumping cases ongoing in the WTO era that takes place in International Trade Commission (ITC) hearings. We observe that while these cases see significant opposition from firms relying on the imports of intermediate goods, most cases end in favor of petitioners supporting the imposition of anti-dumping duties. In a second step, we quantitatively analyze the effect of intermediate and GVC goods trade in products that are the subjects of anti-dumping cases on the incidence of a formal WTO dispute. The results suggest that the high costs of litigation at the WTO are often prohibitive relative to the volume of trade in question and pose an equally difficult challenge for firms seeking to overturn protectionist measures.},
author = {Kim, Soo Yeon and Spilker, Gabriele},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-019-09350-4},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Kim, Spilker - 2019 - Global value chains and the political economy of WTO disputes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Anti-dumping disputes,Dispute settlement,Global value chains,Multinational firms,World Trade Organization},
number = {2},
pages = {239--260},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{Global value chains and the political economy of WTO disputes}},
volume = {14},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Johns2019a,
author = {Johns, Leslie and Thrall, Calvin and Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-019-09364-y},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Johns, Thrall, Wellhausen - 2019 - Judicial economy and moving bars in international investment arbitration.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1559-7431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {09364-y,10,1007,International in,Investor state dispute settlement,article,authorized users,contains supplementary material,doi,electronic supplementary material the,https,international investment agreements,international investment arbitration,international law,investor state dispute settlement,judicial economy,online version of this,org,s11558-019-,which is available to},
month = {jul},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{Judicial economy and moving bars in international investment arbitration}},
url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11558-019-09364-y},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Baldwin2014,
abstract = {The cross-border flows of goods, investment, services, know-how and people associated with international production networks-call it 'supply-chain trade' for short-has transformed the world. The WTO has not kept pace. This paper argues that adapting world trade governance to the realities of supply-chain trade will require a new organization-a WTO 2.0 as it were. Reasoning on the optimal nature of the new organization is based on the nature of supply-chain trade, the nature of the disciplines that underpin it, and the nature of the gains from cooperation. {\textcopyright} 2014 Springer Science+Business Media New York.},
author = {Baldwin, Richard},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-014-9186-4},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baldwin - 2014 - WTO 2.0 Governance of 21st century trade.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Hold-up problems,Supply-chain trade,WTO reform},
number = {2},
pages = {261--283},
title = {{WTO 2.0: Governance of 21st century trade}},
volume = {9},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Baccini2019,
abstract = {Services dominate the US economy and are increasingly traded across borders yet little is known about service firms' trade policy objectives or lobbying activities. We fill this gap by examining services' political engagement on trade policy as manifested through lobbying, public positions on trade, and reports issued by U.S. Industry Trade Advisory Committees. We document for the first time that service firms are highly active in the politics of US trade agreements and, compared to firms in goods-producing industries, are much less likely to disagree over trade. Instead, service firms are almost uniformly supportive of US trade agreements, which we explain by focusing on the stark US comparative advantage in services. Service firms are therefore a key constituency for deeper international economic cooperation, helping to explain the present era of global integration despite tough times for uncompetitive US manufacturing. We expect service producers to join the defense of global economic order against emergent populism.},
author = {Baccini, Leonardo and Osgood, Iain and Weymouth, Stephen},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-019-09349-x},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Baccini, Osgood, Weymouth - 2019 - The service economy U.S. trade coalitions in an era of deindustrialization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Comparative advantage,Industrial fragmentation,Lobbying,Services,Trade agreements},
pages = {261--296},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{The service economy: U.S. trade coalitions in an era of deindustrialization}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Berge2018,
author = {Berge, Tarald Laudal},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-017-9292-1},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Berge - 2018 - Jonathan Bonnitcha, Lauge N. Skovgaard Poulsen and Michael Waibel. 2017. The Political Economy of the Investment Treaty R.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1155801792},
issn = {1559-7431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
number = {1},
pages = {133--136},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{Jonathan Bonnitcha, Lauge N. Skovgaard Poulsen and Michael Waibel. 2017. The Political Economy of the Investment Treaty Regime (Oxford: Oxford University Press)}},
volume = {13},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bowen2018,
abstract = {This special issue focuses on a variety of political-economy questions on trade and investment and is guided by a shared understanding that trade and investment processes can no longer be studied in isolation from each other. Three articles provide new insights into the study of the design of preferential trade agreements and effects thereof, two of which focus on the politically salient issues of non-trade concerns. A third one investigates which export sectors win from improved market access opportunities, in order words, how gains from trade are distributed. Two articles study the World Trade Organization's dispute settlement system. One contribution is unpacking the role of the most important and influential firms and investors in affecting US behavior in WTO disputes, a second contribution studies how leadership changes in democracies and autocracies have different effects on dispute behavior. Finally, the special issue includes a new study on how the shadow economies in developing states are affected by the integration into the world economy (trade and investment) and by policy programs of the International Monetary Fund.},
author = {Bowen, Renee and Elsig, Manfred},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-018-9307-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bowen, Elsig - 2018 - Trade and investment Introduction to the special issue.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Environment,International Monetary Fund,Investment,Labor,Trade,Trade Agreements,World Trade Organization},
number = {2},
pages = {137--142},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{Trade and investment: Introduction to the special issue}},
volume = {13},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Lechner2018,
abstract = {Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) trigger investment through their commitment to a liberal market economy. Increasingly however, PTAs go far beyond liberalizing trade and investment flows. Especially controversial features included in most modern PTAs are environmental and labor standards. Do these standards affect business activity? If so, how do investors react to such non-trade issues in trade deals? The literature provides inconclusive findings about the impact of standards on foreign direct investment (FDI). Some contributors argue that strict standards decrease FDI, whilst others claim that environmental and labor protection increases productivity and, in consequence, inward investment. In all likelihood, the usage of aggregated FDI data, as is the case for most studies, causes confusion. I expect standards to influence investors' decisions – but heterogeneously across sectors. Environmental and labor standards should reduce FDI in polluting and low-skilled labor endowed industries, but increase investment in environmentally clean and high-skilled labor abundant sectors. Based on an original dataset of environmental and social standards in trade agreements and at the sector-level disaggregated US-FDI data, I find robust support for my argument. The paper provides a more nuanced picture on the standards and investment nexus: Standards have no uniform effect on multinationals. Instead, they are good for some, but bad for other industries.},
author = {Lechner, Lisa},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-018-9299-2},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lechner - 2018 - Good for some, bad for others US investors and non-trade issues in preferential trade agreements.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1155801892992},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Environmental protection,Foreign direct investment,Investor-to-state dispute settlement,Labor rights,Preferential trade agreements},
number = {2},
pages = {163--187},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{Good for some, bad for others: US investors and non-trade issues in preferential trade agreements}},
volume = {13},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Ye2019,
author = {Ye, Fangjin},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-019-09367-9},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ye - 2019 - The impact of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) on collective labor rights in developing countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1559-7431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Bilateral investment treaties,Foreign direct inves,bilateral investment treaties,developing countries,foreign direct investment,labor rights},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{The impact of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) on collective labor rights in developing countries}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Betz2016b,
abstract = {Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) present developing countries with a trade-off. BITs plausibly increase access to international capital in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI), but at the cost of substantially curtailing a government's policy autonomy. Nearly 3000 BITs have been entered into, suggesting that many countries have found this trade-off acceptable. But governments' enthusiasm for signing and ratifying BITs has varied considerably across countries and across time. Why are BITs more popular in some places and times than others? We argue that capital scarcity is an important driver of BIT signings: The trade-off inherent in BITs becomes more attractive to governments as the need to secure access to international capital increases. More specifically, we argue that the coincidence of high US interest rates and net external financial liabilities heightens governments' incentives to secure access to foreign capital, and therefore results in BIT signings. Empirical evidence is consistent with our theory.},
author = {Betz, Timm and Kerner, Andrew},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-015-9236-6},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Betz, Kerner - 2016 - The influence of interest Real US interest rates and bilateral investment treaties.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1155801592366},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Bilateral investment treaties,Delegation,Foreign direct investment,Foreign exchange,International capital flows,International institutions,Legalization,Liberalism,Ratification},
number = {4},
pages = {419--448},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{The influence of interest: Real US interest rates and bilateral investment treaties}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-015-9236-6},
volume = {11},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Osgood2018b,
abstract = {Intellectual property rights are a key piece of the expanded trade agenda, and the United States has pushed hard to strengthen protections beyond WTO standards in its trade agreements. While agreement provisions governing intellectual property are commonly thought to be an important driver of corporate preferences over US trade policy, systematic empirical evidence for this proposition, especially in comparison to other determinants of trade policy, is generally lacking. To fill this void, this paper examines variation in reliance on intellectual property across US industries to explain attitudes and lobbying on US trade agreements. The effects of IP provisions on support for US trade agreements are politically substantial, though trade remains the primary determinant of preferences over trade agreements.},
author = {Osgood, Iain and Feng, Yilang},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-017-9279-y},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osgood, Feng - 2018 - Intellectual property provisions and support for US trade agreements.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1155801792},
issn = {1559-7431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Associations,Firms,Intellectual property,Intellectual property rights (IPRs),Services,TRIPS,Trade agreements},
month = {sep},
number = {3},
pages = {421--455},
title = {{Intellectual property provisions and support for US trade agreements}},
url = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11558-017-9279-y},
volume = {13},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Biglaiser2016,
abstract = {This paper seeks to explain the determinants of foreign expropriation in the developing world. We argue that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) helps to reduce the likelihood of nationalization because of the direct leverage the Fund holds over borrowers, especially as expropriation is a blatant violation of international property rights. Using expropriation data from 1961 to 2006, and several different measures for the Fund, we find that countries under IMF agreements are less likely to nationalize foreign firms. We also show that the Fund's influence is greatest when the IMF loan represents a larger share of the borrower country's gross domestic product (GDP) as well as in countries with weaker political institutions. The takeaway is that IMF continues to influence policy choices in the developing world.},
author = {Biglaiser, Glen and Lee, Hoon and Staats, Joseph L.},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-015-9226-8},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Biglaiser, Lee, Staats - 2016 - The effects of the IMF on expropriation of foreign firms.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {BITs,Expropriation,IMF,Political constraints,WTO/GATT},
number = {1},
pages = {1--23},
title = {{The effects of the IMF on expropriation of foreign firms}},
volume = {11},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Mazumder2016,
abstract = {Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) have proliferated throughout the international system. While ostensibly commercial in purpose, do BITs have domestic political ramifications? I argue that BITs affect a leader's tenure through their effect on the property rights environment in developing countries. BITs, by segmenting a country's property rights environment for foreign and domestic firms, reduce the incentive for foreign firms to lobby for property rights protections in the host country thus leading to a stagnating domestic property rights environment. In autocracies, a stagnating domestic property rights regime benefits domestic business elites who can continue to stymie small and medium enterprises (SMEs). The political benefits of BITs, however, decrease as a country becomes more democratic. Using a dataset of developing country leaders over the period 1965-2011, I find support for my hypothesis that BITs are associated with a decreased hazard of losing office and that the effect diminishes with higher levels of democracy. My results highlight the consequences of the legalization of global investment on the domestic political economy.},
author = {Mazumder, Soumyajit},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-015-9235-7},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mazumder - 2016 - Can I stay a BIT longer The effect of bilateral investment treaties on political survival.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {International treaties,Legalization,Multinational corporations,Property rights},
number = {4},
pages = {477--521},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{Can I stay a BIT longer? The effect of bilateral investment treaties on political survival}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-015-9235-7},
volume = {11},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Jensen2019,
abstract = {In this paper we address how external factors shape government decisions to break or uphold contracts, specifically focusing on how economic shocks and support from multilateral financial institutions shape leader decisions to expropriate from investors. Contrary to conventional wisdom and much of the existing scholarship, we argue that governments are less likely to expropriate from investors during periods of economic crisis since governments become more sensitive to the reputational costs of expropriating. We also argue that governments are sensitive to the levers other governments may use to punish for expropriation, such as withholding IMF and World Bank funding. We test these theories using a dataset of investment expropriations and case studies of thirty-four investment disputes that were resolved pre-claim. Our econometric analysis suggests that expropriations of foreign investment are less common during periods of crisis, and that countries under IMF agreements or borrowing from the World Bank are less likely to expropriate. Our thirty-four case studies, which substantiate the role of government reputation and multilateral pressure, support our statistical results.},
author = {Jensen, Nathan M. and Johnston, Noel P. and yi Lee, Chia and Sahin, Hadi},
doi = {10.1007/s11558-019-09363-z},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Jensen et al. - 2019 - Crisis and contract breach The domestic and international determinants of expropriation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {15597431},
journal = {Review of International Organizations},
keywords = {Economic crisis,Expropriations,Multilateral financial institutions,Reputational costs,Retaliation costs},
publisher = {The Review of International Organizations},
title = {{Crisis and contract breach: The domestic and international determinants of expropriation}},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2018.1486726,
abstract = {Global economic governance outcomes in areas such as corporate taxation may be influenced by transnational policy communities acting at national and transnational levels. Yet, while transnational tax policy processes are increasingly analyzed through the politics of expertise, national preferences have usually been derived from domestic interest group preferences. We know little about how technical expertise interacts with interest group politics at national level, an important deficit given the sovereignty-preserving, decentralized way in which transnational tax norms become hard law. This article examines the drivers of expansion of the UK's bilateral tax treaty network in the 1970s, which cannot be explained solely through monolithic interest group politics. Evidence from the British national archives demonstrates how tax experts in the civil service and the private sector, members of a transnational policy community, used tax treaties to impose OECD standards for taxing British firms on host countries, at times overruling the preferences of other political, bureaucratic and business actors. Expertise politics and business power may shape the development of norms and focal points within a transnational policy community, but it is often their interaction at domestic level that determines the implementation of transnational norms as hard law.},
author = {Hearson, Martin},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2018.1486726},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Transnational policy communities,United Kingdom,bilateral tax treaties,developing countries,foreign direct investment,taxation},
number = {5},
pages = {647--671},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Transnational expertise and the expansion of the international tax regime: imposing ‘acceptable' standards}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2018.1486726},
volume = {25},
year = {2018}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2016.1200478,
abstract = {The United States has signed 47 bilateral investment treaties (BITs) over the last three decades. The standard explanation for why the United States' government signed those BITs is that it was motivated by a desire to promote the development of international investment law and to protect American capital invested abroad. An alternative explanation, however, is that the United States has largely used BITs as a foreign policy tool to improve relationships with strategically important countries in the developing world. This project uses qualitative and quantitative evidence to assess whether the United States was motivated to sign BITs based on investment considerations or political considerations. The qualitative evidence suggests that US executive branch officials viewed BITs as a potential way to cement and strengthen relationships with politically important countries. The quantitative evidence suggests that proxies for investment considerations – like trade and FDI flows – are weak predictors of US BIT formation, but that political considerations – like military aid and whether a country was formerly a communist state – are consistently statistically significant predictors. Taken together, the evidence supports the argument that political considerations are better predictors of the BITs the United States signed than investment considerations.},
author = {Chilton, Adam S},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2016.1200478},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {BITs,US foreign policy,bilateral investment treaties,international law,investment law,treaties},
number = {4},
pages = {614--642},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The political motivations of the United States' bilateral investment treaty program}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2016.1200478},
volume = {23},
year = {2016}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2018.1447497,
abstract = {This paper investigates how and why governments use both regulatory and extra-juridical pressures to influence what are normally considered to be the voluntary corporate social responsibility contributions of mining firms to local social and economic development that go beyond compliance with regulatory requirements. Based on a modified version of the obsolescing bargain model, the paper argues that governments opt to co-produce corporate social responsibility when they face pressures to reform the firm's relationship with society but are unable or unwilling to change the legal framework that governs it. In this regard, institutional stickiness can result in the displacement of bargaining from the formal rules and regulations that govern foreign direct investment, to the unregulated and informal practices associated with the social responsibilities of business. The argument is confirmed through a qualitative examination of state–firm relations in the mining sectors of Argentina and Peru.},
author = {Haslam, Paul Alexander},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2018.1447497},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Argentina,Latin America,Peru,State–firm bargaining,corporate social responsibility (CSR),mineral rents,mining,obsolescing bargain,political corporate social responsibility,weak institutions},
number = {3},
pages = {418--440},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Beyond voluntary: state–firm bargaining over corporate social responsibilities in mining}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2018.1447497},
volume = {25},
year = {2018}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2011.625916,
abstract = {This paper claims that investors dislike political uncertainty about future policies and value stability in the political environment. We test the validity of this hypothesis by first studying variations in equity flows from global investment funds to emerging markets in periods surrounding elections. Second, we interpret changes in democracy score as another event potentially creating political uncertainty and assess their effects on equity flows. Our results corroborate our hypothesis. They indicate that the period following an election is generally characterized by a fall in equity flows, and that this occurs only where the incumbent is not re-elected, suggesting continuity is valued by investors. We also find that this effect is confined to presidential regimes, a result we interpret as further evidence that potentially radical swings in policy affect investors' choices. Finally, a decrease in the democracy score implies lower equity flows, while democracy in itself does not affect equity flows, which is consistent with our view that equity funds are vigilant when potentially adverse changes in the political environment arise.},
author = {Frot, Emmanuel and Santiso, Javier},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2011.625916},
issn = {0969-2290},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Equity flows,democracy,elections,emerging markets},
month = {feb},
number = {1},
pages = {26--51},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Political uncertainty and portfolio managers in emerging economies}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2011.625916 http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09692290.2011.625916},
volume = {20},
year = {2013}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2017.1335650,
abstract = {The United States has been one of the world's premier destinations for inward foreign direct investment (IFDI) since the 1970s, yet research remains limited on the origins of the domestic institutions that govern IFDI flows. This article focuses on the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), an executive body created in 1975 ostensibly to stand sentry on the US's ‘open' investment door. Previous accounts have explained CFIUS's origins in terms of an inter-branch conflict between an ‘internationalist' Executive and a ‘protectionist' Congress, but these accounts are far from comprehensive. Based on new archival evidence as well as a broad review of congressional-hearing transcripts, government reports and trade publications, this article finds that existing analyses underestimate the influence of internationally oriented segments of capital, overlook the emergence of key conflicts within the Executive and disregard the specific economic ideas that motivated policy-makers to establish CFIUS and later reform it. These findings buttress the article's conclusion that CFIUS represents not merely a generic case of inter-branch conflict, but a concrete case of neoliberal state-building.},
author = {Baltz, Matthew J},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2017.1335650},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {CFIUS,Neoliberalism,United States Treasury,foreign direct investment,institutions and institutional change,regulation},
number = {5},
pages = {859--880},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Institutionalizing neoliberalism: CFIUS and the governance of inward foreign direct investment in the United States since 1975}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2017.1335650},
volume = {24},
year = {2017}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1625419,
abstract = {Does the ever-increasing stock of cross-border asset holdings pose a threat to macro-economic stability and to US geo-economic power? Recent analyses suggest that exchange rate changes might drive massive changes in net asset positions that in turn create equally large wealth effects. These wealth effects might compromise US macro-economic policy. In contrast, this manuscript argues that these fears are misplaced. Income flows are the dog that wags the asset tail. Those income flows in turn derive from differences in national growth rates and in the ability of firms to capture profit from global value chains. Expectations around these flows validate asset values. Attention should therefore focus on the source of flows and control over flows, particularly profits, rather than on asset stocks, which are a dependent variable. Although wealth effects driven by exchange rate changes are large, other routine changes in flows and expectations have similar or larger effects on the stock of wealth.},
author = {Schwartz, Herman Mark},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2019.1625419},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {International monetary system,exchange rates,geo-economics,investment,wealth effects},
number = {5},
pages = {963--986},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{What's wealth got to do with it? Global balance sheets and US geo-economic power}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1625419},
volume = {26},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1608842,
abstract = {This article argues that impact investing is a means to promote shadow banking. This is reflected in the rise of impact investing in Pakistan, particularly its predilection for inclusive finance. Two contentions are made: one, that impact investors fill the void in enterprise finance created by regulatory constraints on banks, and two, that impact investors accommodate the demand for yield by shepherding global capital into poor countries. These contentions augment the finance and development literature which critiques the financialized development associated with the Finance for Development (FfD) agenda construed by global institutions ostensibly for the Millennium Development Goals, or MDGs, of 2015 and subsequently the Sustainable Development Goals, or SDGs, of 2030. More recently, the narrative of slogans such as Billions to Trillions and the World Bank's Maximizing Finance for Development agenda, have drawn criticism because they advance shadow banking. The case of Pakistan exemplifies the traction gained by impact investing as an asset class and the related imperative to measure and evaluate outcomes. The resultant focus on base-of-pyramid initiatives such as inclusive finance is thus a corollary of the financialization of development and the shifts and transformations in development initiatives that incorporate private and philanthropic or ‘patient' capital.},
author = {Jafri, Juvaria},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2019.1608842},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Development,Pakistan,financialization,impact investing},
number = {3},
pages = {520--544},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{When billions meet trillions: impact investing and shadow banking in Pakistan}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1608842},
volume = {26},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2014.893246,
abstract = {International market integration reduces the overlap between economic and political borders, but what, exactly, does that imply? According to some rational choice accounts, it means that globalization will eventually undermine itself by triggering protectionist backlashes. Previous scholarship has highlighted flaws in the underlying assumption that elected politicians prioritize local stakeholders over anonymous shareholders. The present article adds that, regarding foreign takeovers, levels of protectionism would vary even if governments did prioritize local stakeholders, because stakeholder preferences vary across corporate governance regimes. Where, as in the UK, coordination relies more on market mechanisms than on networks, foreign acquisitions are less disruptive, and political mobilization against them is weaker. To the extent that the internationalization of corporate ownership spreads outsider governance by destroying networks, resistance therefore declines as the market expands. Quantitative correlational evidence is supplemented by case studies of bids for three British companies that provoked unusual levels of political mobilization.},
author = {Callaghan, Helen},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2014.893246},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Britain,France,Varieties of Capitalism,capitalist development,corporate governance,cross-border mergers,economic patriotism,globalization,international trade},
number = {2},
pages = {391--418},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Something left to lose? Network preservation as a motive for protectionist responses to foreign takeovers}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2014.893246},
volume = {22},
year = {2015}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2016.1269658,
abstract = {In 2012, Australia became the first country in the world to introduce plain tobacco packaging in an effort to reduce tobacco consumption. This move was vehemently opposed by the tobacco industry, which challenged it on several levels: nationally, bilaterally and multilaterally at the World Trade Organization (WTO). The political behaviour of the tobacco companies in this case is puzzling both in terms of scale, operating at multiple levels at the same time, and in terms of the countries mobilized in their defence. WTO litigation is typically the result of multinational enterprises (MNEs) lobbying their own government, but here third countries were mobilized. Lobbying in third country contexts, with the objective of accessing multilateral dispute settlement systems, has been little studied. We thus know very little about the driving factors behind such activities, how target governments are selected and what lobbying strategies are used. This article draws on emerging research on transnational lobbying and a case study of the plain packaging case to explore these issues in detail and, by doing so, aims to further our theoretical understanding of the political economy of international trade in the context of increasing regime complexity and globalization of production. In addition, the article sheds new light on advocacy in the context of disputes about cross-border challenges to domestic regulation.},
author = {Curran, Louise and Eckhardt, Jappe},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2016.1269658},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {World Trade Organization,global value chains,international trade,lobbying,regime complexity,tobacco control},
number = {1},
pages = {87--118},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Smoke screen? The globalization of production, transnational lobbying and the international political economy of plain tobacco packaging}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2016.1269658},
volume = {24},
year = {2017}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2015.1104375,
abstract = {Pre-crisis global governance of finance was marked by considerable preference alignment between the two regulatory great powers, the US and the EU. The article's explanation of this surprising pattern in regulatory preferences takes the institutional context of global finance seriously. It highlights the endogenous, temporal effects of inter-national institutions at the core of global economic governance: transnational regulatory networks and the soft law they produce. Transnational soft law is not simply an articulation of a focal point, we demonstrate, but also a political resource that may be employed by reform-minded agents dissatisfied with their domestic policy status quo. We label such feedback processes ‘templates-as-disruptors,' meaning that the establishment of transnational soft law by regulatory networks at t1 creates policy templates that disrupt pre-existing internal (e.g. domestic) political contests at t2. In addition to improving an understanding of historical events and great power preference alignment, the paper highlights the temporal effects of informal cooperation and domestic--international interaction in global governance.},
author = {Newman, Abraham and Posner, Elliot},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2015.1104375},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {European Union,historical institutionalism,international finance,preferences,regulation,soft law},
number = {1},
pages = {123--152},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Transnational feedback, soft law, and preferences in global financial regulation}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2015.1104375},
volume = {23},
year = {2016}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2012.733315,
abstract = {This article argues that the causes of the crisis in Romania and other new EU member states were different from those affecting Western Europe or the US. The main argument of this paper is that bad domestic monetary, fiscal and regulatory policies were the real crisis generators, while exogenous crisis mechanisms, including contagion from the global financial crisis, were just the trigger. Romania, and other new EU member states, has been facing the crisis of a consumption-led development model, not just a financial crisis imported from more developed economies. This paper brings insights into the impact of the flat-tax regime on consumption and the impact of speculative capital inflows disguised as foreign direct investments.},
author = {Voinea, Liviu},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2012.733315},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Current account deficit,Eastern Europe,Romania.,capital account liberalization,economic crisis,flat tax},
number = {4},
pages = {979--1008},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Revisiting crisis generators in Romania and other new EU member states}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2012.733315},
volume = {20},
year = {2013}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2014.987154,
abstract = {This article examines Brazil's unique experience with bilateral investment treaties (BITs) – the country signed 14 of them in the 1990s, but none was ever ratified. The case is puzzling for a number of reasons. First, BITs were an initiative of the presidency, and the Brazilian political system is notorious for executive branch's high level of success at enacting legislation. Second, the record of treaty ratification is very high in the country; between 1988 and 2006, 98{\%} of the treaties signed entered into force in less than 18 months. Finally, the Brazilian Congress approved various investor-friendly policies that required even higher voting thresholds in the same period that BITs were being negotiated. We use primary legislative data and interviews with policymakers and bureaucrats to argue that a concentrated but strong ideological opposition in the Congress certainly contributed to hinder BIT ratification, but an unresolved executive – which addressed most investor's demands through alternative channels – was the decisive factor in explaining non-ratification. Ultimately, our findings imply that scholars need to open the black box of the executive in order to better understand the determinants of treaty ratification.},
author = {Campello, Daniela and Lemos, Leany},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2014.987154},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {BITs,Brazil,Brazilian Congress,Brazilian executive branch,bilateral investment treaties,executive–legislative relations},
number = {5},
pages = {1055--1086},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The non-ratification of bilateral investment treaties in Brazil: a story of conflict in a land of cooperation}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2014.987154},
volume = {22},
year = {2015}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2018.1434083,
abstract = {Theoretically, instability and violence should deter foreign investment. Empirically, the evidence has been inconsistent. I highlight two key deficiencies in existing research, and present a more nuanced theoretical framework for considering this relationship. First, I make the case that the costs and risks associated with conflict are a function of both intensity and duration. Both should be accounted for. Second, I argue that the logic governing multinational corporations' (MNC) behavior changes post-entry into the host country. Combining these two insights, I argue that firms' sensitivity to conflict, and that the particular signals they respond to, vary in predictable ways across different stages of the FDI lifecycle. I test the according hypotheses using firm-level foreign investment data, and find supporting evidence. Multinationals look for sustained peace when pursuing new ventures, but prove resilient to all but the most intense and persistent conflicts after the costs of entry have been sunk.},
author = {Barry, Colin M},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2018.1434083},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment,domestic conflict,firm-level,interstate conflict,multinational corporations,peace,risk},
number = {2},
pages = {270--292},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Peace and conflict at different stages of the FDI lifecycle}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2018.1434083},
volume = {25},
year = {2018}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1645723,
abstract = {This paper challenges approaches that expect unavoidable decline in developmental state capacities as a result of European market integration. Using Romania's automotive industry as its case study, the paper shows that deep integration with the EU forecloses protectionist strategies and builds state capacities for FDI-based development instead. While Romania was initially a weak state, deep integration with the EU helped develop its core state institutions and sectoral developmental state capacities. The EU strengthened state autonomy vis-{\`{a}}-vis domestic actors and increased its ability to broker win-win deals among these actors and multinational corporations. It also helped create elementary state institutions that could foster industrial upgrading. The Romanian state used these capacities to enable the initial investment of multinational corporations and to incentivize them to engage in further expansion and upgrading, rather than merely to use Romania as an assembly platform. However, the state has, to date, made little effort and little use of the EU funds to broaden the scope of the beneficiaries from market integration, thereby contributing to an MNC-led exclusionary developmental pathway. While weak states might not fully use the opportunities offered by deep integration with the EU, this integration still provides more opportunities than threats for their developmental agency.},
author = {Vukov, Visnja},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2019.1645723},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Development,EU,Romania,globalization,industrial policy,state},
number = {0},
pages = {1--22},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{European integration and weak states: Romania's road to exclusionary development}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1645723},
volume = {0},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1665084,
abstract = {Cross-border state-led investment is a recently rising, but understudied phenomenon of the global political economy. Existing research employs an anecdotal and case-oriented perspective that does not engage in a systemic, large-scale analysis of this rise of transnational state investment and its consequences for the transformation of state power in 21st century capitalism. We take a first step at filling this gap and offer two original contributions: Conceptually, we operationalize transnational foreign state-led investment on the basis of weighted ownership ties. These state capital ties are created by states as investors in corporations around the world. Empirically, we demonstrate our approach by setting up and analyzing the largest dataset on transnational state capital up to date. We show which different outward strategies states as owners employ and classify states according to their relative positions within the global network of transnational state capital. Our results illustrate a crucial aspect of the ongoing transformation of state power and sovereignty within globalization and we demonstrate how a careful and data-driven approach is able to identify different pathways and dimensions of this transformation.},
author = {Babic, Milan and Garcia-Bernardo, Javier and Heemskerk, Eelke M},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2019.1665084},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {International political economy,corporations,foreign investment,globalization,state capital,state capitalism,transnational capitalism},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The rise of transnational state capital: state-led foreign investment in the 21st century}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1665084},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1620308,
abstract = {In response to the ongoing legitimacy crisis of investor-state arbitration, the European Union (EU) developed a new model of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) that replaces international arbitration with a system of bilateral investment courts. In this article, we draw on literature on the role of legitimacy in driving institutional change in international institutions to explain the rise of the new EU model. We further examine the extent to which the new EU model is able to overcome this crisis, thereby potentially giving the ISDS a new legitimation. We argue that the new EU model in large part does provide a substantial response to several frequently contested legitimacy gaps of ISDS. At the same time, however, we suggest that the EU model does not effectively address the most fundamental criticism of ISDS, which questions the very existence of a specific judicial forum providing exclusive rights for international investors, particularly between states with highly developed economies and legal orders.},
author = {Dietz, Thomas and Dotzauer, Marius and Cohen, Edward S},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2019.1620308},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {EU,ISDS,arbitration,institutional change,investment court system,legitimacy},
number = {4},
pages = {749--772},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The legitimacy crisis of investor-state arbitration and the new EU investment court system}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1620308},
volume = {26},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1675741,
abstract = {Within the debate of China's rise and its implications for the liberal order this research focuses on China's global posture through its transnationalizing firms and capital. On the basis of a detailed and systematic mapping and network analysis of a novel database on China's largest firms, across a variety of sectors and ownership types, and their boards of directors, the study assesses if and how China is engaging with existing transnational business communities at the heart of the liberal international order. The article finds substantial transnational linkages between the globalizing Chinese business elite and the corporate elite networks of Western globalized capitalism – through corporate affiliations and policy-planning affiliations. At the same time the analysis reveals the strong ties of the Chinese state-business elites to the party-state. Rather than presenting an outright threat to the liberal order and the corporate elite networks at its core, or indicating a co-optation scenario, the article finds evidence for a more hybrid scenario in which China as a corporate actor within the liberal world reveals its two faces: partially and pragmatically integrating and adapting to the liberal modes of networking, while simultaneously holding on to its distinctive state-directed capitalism and the (Party) direction this entails.},
author = {de Graaff, Nana},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2019.1675741},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {China business elites,corporate networks,liberal world order,policy planning networks,social network analysis,state-business nexus,state-owned enterprises,transnationalization},
number = {0},
pages = {1--26},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{China Inc. goes global. Transnational and national networks of China's globalizing business elite}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1675741},
volume = {0},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Linsi2019,
abstract = {Official international economic statistics are generally considered accurate and meaningful gauges of cross-border flows of trade and capital. Most data users also assume that the quality of the underlying data keeps improving over time. Through an extensive review of the national accounting literature, archival research, two dozen interviews with high-level statisticians, and a series of data quality tests, we evaluate this common view for the primary source of data on trade and capital flows: the International Monetary Fund's Balance of Payments (BOP) Statistics. Our assessment paints a less rosy picture: reported figures are far less accurate than they are typically imagined to be and often do not correspond to the theoretical concepts with which users associate them. At the same time, measurement quality deteriorates over time as the transnationalization of economic production gradually undermines the validity of BOP statistics. Our findings raise serious questions about the widespread use of these numbers, with their deceptive pretense to accuracy, in scholarly research and public debate about the international political economy.},
author = {Linsi, Lukas and M{\"{u}}gge, Daniel K.},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2018.1560353},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Linsi, M{\"{u}}gge - 2019 - Globalization and the growing defects of international economic statistics.pdf:pdf},
issn = {14664526},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {,Politics of statistics,balance of payments,capital flows,economic measurement,globalization,trade flows},
month = {may},
number = {3},
pages = {361--383},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Globalization and the growing defects of international economic statistics}},
url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09692290.2018.1560353},
volume = {26},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2012.747103,
abstract = {A causal relationship between diaspora populations and bilateral foreign direct investment has been established empirically, but the question of which elements of diaspora difference are responsible for this relationship, and what this implies for development, remains unanswered. A growing literature in economic sociology and business suggests that diaspora investors are motivated by patriotism and other social and emotional factors, endowing them with unique potential as a force for international development. This literature argues that diaspora-owned firms are more socially responsible than other foreign firms, and engage in a range of economic development-promoting behaviors when investing in the homeland: hiring more local labor, paying higher wages, and making more contributions to charity. I argue that diaspora-owned firms enjoy competitive advantages in the homeland based on access and attention to information. I evaluate these theories at the firm level, using data from an original survey of 174 foreign-owned firms in the post-conflict country of Georgia. Across a range of self-reported behaviors and priorities, I find no evidence that diaspora-owned firms are more likely to engage in a specific set of socially responsible, pro-development behaviors than are other foreign firms, and some evidence that they are less likely to do so. I argue that diaspora investors are uniquely capable, but not uniquely philanthropic, when doing business in their homelands.},
author = {Graham, Benjamin A. T.},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2012.747103},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Diaspora,development,foreign direct investment,international business,migrants,social responsibility},
number = {2},
pages = {432--466},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Diaspora-owned firms and social responsibility}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2012.747103},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2012.756415,
abstract = {This paper focuses on the changing governance of economic development in a globalizing era in relation to the dynamics of global value chains and global production networks. Based on recent development in such East Asian economies as South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore, I examine how, since the 1990s, the embedded relation between one variant of state institutions, known as the developmental state, and national firms, well integrated into global chains and networks spanning different territories and regions, has evolved. Because of the deepening strategic coupling of these national firms with lead firms in global industries, the developmental state's attempt to govern the market and to steer industrial transformation through direct policy interventions has become increasingly difficult and problematic. Through this process of strategic coupling, national firms have been gradually disembedded from state apparatuses and re-embedded in different global production networks that are governed by competitive inter-firm dynamics. While the state in these East Asian economies has actively repositioned its role in this changing governance, it can no longer be conceived as the dominant actor in steering domestic firms and industrial transformation. The developmental trajectory of these national economies becomes equally, if not more, dependent on the successful articulation of their domestic firms in global production networks spearheaded by lead firms. In short, inter-firm dynamics in global production networks tend to trump state-led initiatives as one of the most critical conditions for economic development. This paper theorizes further this significant role of global value chains and global production networks in the changing international political economy of development.},
author = {Yeung, Henry Wai-chung},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2012.756415},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {East Asia,Global production networks,Singapore,South Korea,Taiwan,developmental states,economic governance,national firms},
number = {1},
pages = {70--101},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Governing the market in a globalizing era: Developmental states, global production networks and inter-firm dynamics in East Asia}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2012.756415},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2016.1216005,
abstract = {Globalization scholars have long-debated to what extent economic integration, and, specifically, mobile private capital, constrains national policy-making. With Western capital reeling from the 2008 financial crisis, state-owned capital made inroads globally. China, as the world's largest saver, expanded its cross-border lending, funneling almost US{\$}300 billion to developing countries since the crisis. What are the implications for debtor governments' room to maneuver? I contend that China's state-led capitalism is an important form of patient capital, characterized by a longer term horizon. I argue that its rapid global expansion has transformed the traditional relationship between economic interdependence and national policy autonomy. Without the market's threat of short-term capital withdrawal, national governments have considerably more room to maneuver. Given the recent emergence of Chinese financing, I employ a comparative case study analysis of two of China's largest debtors – Brazil and Venezuela – before and after the introduction of Chinese credit. I find that government budget deficits increase as Chinese state-to-state financing accounts for a larger share of total external public financing. These findings offer important new insights for the study of globalization, Latin American development, and China–Latin American relations, by helping explain the conditions under which nations veer from Western governance models.},
author = {Kaplan, Stephen B},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2016.1216005},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Chinese investment,Latin America,austerity,economic policy,global banking,governance},
number = {4},
pages = {643--676},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Banking unconditionally: the political economy of Chinese finance in Latin America}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2016.1216005},
volume = {23},
year = {2016}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2018.1431561,
abstract = {How does the inclusion of the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) framework in free trade agreements impact property rights and the contested terrain between the public and the private? Authorizing foreign investors and corporations to bring disputes against governments for the costs associated with regulations negatively impacting future profitability or market share, ISDS has become highly controversial in debates over trade agreements. This article surveys the constellation of early investor-state disputes arbitrated under Chapter 11 of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to provide analysis of the politico-juridical ideology articulated by this regime and the nature of the class struggle underlying it. The evidence presented suggests that arbitrators have selectively chosen from a body of unsettled US jurisprudence to expand the boundaries of expropriation and, thus, property rights. Such a development has dramatic theoretical and practical consequences. Concretely, it impacts political accountability and has the potential to generate regulatory chill. Theoretically, it illuminates the class struggle unfolding in the current era of de-centered capitalism characterized by transnational production and financial flows. This article asserts that ISDS dispossesses citizens of the ability to successfully translate popular demands for social protection into regulations when such measures conflict with corporate profitability.},
author = {Nichols, Shawn},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2018.1431561},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Investor-state dispute settlement,critical theory,international arbitration,property rights,regulation,trade agreements},
number = {2},
pages = {243--269},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Expanding property rights under investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS): class struggle in the era of transnational capital}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2018.1431561},
volume = {25},
year = {2018}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2012.660183,
abstract = {Is Brazil's economic policy regime a mere tinkering of the Washington Consensus? The evidence suggests that Brazilian governments institutionalized a hybrid policy regime that layers economically liberal priorities originating in the Washington Consensus and more interventionist ones associated with neo-developmentalist thinking. To capture this hybridity, the study calls this regime ‘liberal neo-developmentalism'. While defending the goal of macroeconomic stability and sidelining full employment, Brazilian governments also reduced reliance on foreign savings and employed a largely off-the-books stimulus package during the crisis. Brazil experienced important privatization, liberalization and deregulation reforms, but at the same time the state consolidated its role as owner and investor in industry and banking while using an open economy industrial policy and a cautious approach to the free movement of capital. Finally, while conditional cash transfers fit the Washington Consensus, Brazil's steady increases in the minimum wage, industrial policies targeted at high employment sectors and the use of state-owned firms to expand welfare and employment programs better fit a neo-developmentalist policy regime. In sum, while the main goals of the Washington Consensus were not replaced with neo-developmentalist ones, Brazil's policy regime saw an extensive transformation of policy orthodoxy that reflects Brazil's status as an emerging power.},
author = {Ban, Cornel},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2012.660183},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {BRICs,Brazil,Keynesian,Lula,Rousseff,Washington Consensus,liberalism,macroeconomic stability,neo-developmentalism},
number = {2},
pages = {298--331},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Brazil's liberal neo-developmentalism: New paradigm or edited orthodoxy?}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2012.660183},
volume = {20},
year = {2013}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2015.1127269,
abstract = {Tax cooperation puts offshore centers worse off, as their compensation for forgone profits is a hard political sell, and unlikely to produce the same spillover effects on wages and employment as the attraction of foreign tax base. Coercion by a great power thus seems to be a prerequisite for successful international cooperation in tax matters. Great power status is based on internal market size. Governments become substantially more likely to use this power through sanction threats against tax havens when two factors coincide: (1) domestic constraints preventing a shift of the tax burden to labor and consumption and (2) scope for redistributive cooperation benefitting great power banks or multinationals. Hypotheses are tested in an analysis of tax negotiations at OECD level between 1996 and 2014.},
author = {Hakelberg, Lukas},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2015.1127269},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {FATCA,business power,domestic constraints,redistributive cooperation,tax cooperation},
number = {3},
pages = {511--541},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Coercion in international tax cooperation: identifying the prerequisites for sanction threats by a great power}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2015.1127269},
volume = {23},
year = {2016}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2013.848373,
abstract = {How do international investors evaluate sovereign borrowers whose histories and institutions are too new or weak to send strong signals about their creditworthiness? In this paper, I suggest that the perceived creditworthiness of many transition countries' governments rests on a ‘transfer' of good reputation from prestigious multinational banks, as foreign direct investors. The entry of reputable foreign banks into a transition country signals to international financial markets about the financial strength of that host economy. It also involves the transfer of the status of lender of last resort to the foreign parent bank. Foreign bank penetration can thus create optimistic expectations about a host country's capacity to service its sovereign debt. Using panel data for 23 transition economies during the period of 1996–2009, my empirical results provide support for the argument stressing the exogenous role of foreign financiers as enhancers of the credibility of host country governments. The results are robust to instrumental variable analysis and the inclusion of number of controls for alternative determinants of investors' perceptions of country risk. This proposition is further backed by evidence from three transition countries: Hungary, Estonia and Ukraine.},
author = {Grittersov{\'{a}}, Jana},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2013.848373},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Multinational banks,credibility,foreign direct investment,lender of last resort,sovereign credit risk,transition countries},
number = {4},
pages = {878--912},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Transfer of reputation: Multinational banks and perceived creditworthiness of transition countries}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2013.848373},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2016.1243143,
abstract = {The Cayman Islands is a key node in contemporary global finance, yet it is severely under-researched. This paper compiles the first ‘anatomy' of the Cayman offshore financial center (OFC), utilizing all sources of publicly available data about the three main segments: banking, direct investment, and portfolio investment. The analysis is performed both diachronically to see when large inflows occurred and geographically to determine what role certain countries play in different segments. This dissection of the Cayman OFC shows that the United States is the largest counterparty in all segments with Japan playing an important role too. In fact, when excluding long-term Treasuries, Cayman is the largest holder of US securities in the world. Hedge funds are the main factor for this strong Cayman-US link. About 60{\%} of global hedge fund assets are legally domiciled in Cayman – an extraordinary spatial concentration in such a tiny jurisdiction. A novel contribution to the analysis of the Cayman OFC is the introduction of the Anglo-America/Anglosphere approach. This approach provides one plausible explanation for the unparalleled rise of the Cayman OFC by seeing this jurisdiction as one node in an Anglo-American triangle together with the USA and the UK, Cayman's sovereign power.},
author = {Fichtner, Jan},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2016.1243143},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Anglo-America,Cayman Islands,Japan,foreign banks,foreign direct investment,foreign portfolio investment,hedge funds,offshore financial centers,tax havens},
number = {6},
pages = {1034--1063},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The anatomy of the Cayman Islands offshore financial center: Anglo-America, Japan, and the role of hedge funds}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2016.1243143},
volume = {23},
year = {2016}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2013.822410,
abstract = {The pace of financial globalization across the developing world grew rapidly after developing country governments started reducing restrictions on foreign ownership of domestic equities. Studies suggest that the emergence of democracy in developing states played a critical role in facilitating the reduction of controls on foreign investment in domestic equities. Yet, the data reveals that although some developing country democracies have curtailed equity market restrictions, a significant share of developing democracies have increased barriers on foreign ownership of domestic equities. This raises an important question: when do democratic governments in the developing world raise restrictions on foreign ownership of the equities of domestic firms? We suggest that policymakers in candidate-centred developing democracies will increase equity market restrictions in response to pressure from market concentrated public sector banks. Specifically, we claim that highly market concentrated public banks have incentives and the capacity to lobby policymakers to keep the domestic equity market closed to foreign investors. We then argue that policymakers from candidate-centred—but not party-centred—developing democracies have political incentives to be responsive to such pressure, which will induce them to raise barriers on foreign ownership of domestic equities. Statistical results obtained from a comprehensive sample of developing country democracies support our hypothesis.},
author = {Mukherjee, Bumba and Yadav, Vineeta and Bejar, Sergio},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2013.822410},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Candidate-centred institutions,developing democracies,equity market restrictions,financial policies,public banks,time-series cross-sectional analysis},
number = {3},
pages = {670--709},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Candidate-centred systems, public banks and equity market restrictions in developing democracies}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2013.822410},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2013.858366,
abstract = {The adoption of the Global Value Chains framework by Multilateral Economic Institutions has led to the introduction of broader and more heterodox views of development into official discourses. When it comes to policy implications, however, the reports revert to an agenda that departs little from the Washington Consensus. Trade and investment liberalization are discussed in detail; ‘complementary policies' required to promote upgrading receive scant mention. In particular, the reports neglect the role that institutions can play in overcoming coordination problems and how enhanced state capacity is required for enforcement of competition policies and for effective participation in trade negotiations.},
author = {Ravenhill, John},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2013.858366},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {development,global value chains,international organizations,upgrading},
number = {1},
pages = {264--274},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Global value chains and development}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2013.858366},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2016.1152995,
abstract = {It pays to be a tax haven. Ireland has become rich that way. Why do not all countries cut their capital taxes to get wealthy? One reason is structural. As the standard model of tax competition explains, small countries gain from competitive tax cuts while large countries suffer. Yet not all small (large) countries have low (high) capital taxes. Why? The reason, we argue, is political. While the standard model assumes governments to be democratic, more than a third of countries worldwide are non-democratic. We explain theoretically why autocracies are less likely to adjust to competitive constraints and test our argument empirically against data on the corporate tax policy of 99 countries from 1999 to 2011.},
author = {Genschel, Philipp and Lierse, Hanna and Seelkopf, Laura},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2016.1152995},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {autocracy,corporate Taxation,democracy,globalization,tax Competition,tax policy-making},
number = {2},
pages = {290--315},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Dictators don't compete: autocracy, democracy, and tax competition}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2016.1152995},
volume = {23},
year = {2016}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2017.1357646,
abstract = {Optimistic commentators welcome ‘the rise of the South' as a phenomenon that will transform geopolitical architectures and development thought. This essay situates this alleged rise and ‘South–South relations' within world market capitalism and discusses their liberating potential with a case study of Chinese mining investment in Ecuador. Despite the ostensibly differing approaches to development embodied in the Chinese and Ecuadorian alternatives to neoliberalism, the Mirador project reveals eerily familiar outcomes, dominated by visions of national modernization and business-state alliances that reproduce market inequalities and postcolonial exclusions. While the Mirador project grants significant economic clout to pursue development through redistributive means, it also attests to the role of the state in opening new market frontiers and securing conditions for transnational capital accumulation. I argue that in this context and similar ones, it is problematic to project the attributes of the South as a symbol of struggle for emancipation on to the nation-state. Although the South remains a useful concept, it should be understood as a space made up by those who are subject to diverse forms of oppression in the name of globalization and national development – a space that is reshaped by the works of the state in multiple and often contradictory ways.},
author = {Gonzalez-Vicente, Ruben},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2017.1357646},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {China,Latin America,South–South,capitalist state,globalization,national development,resource curse},
number = {5},
pages = {881--903},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{South–South relations under world market capitalism: the state and the elusive promise of national development in the China–Ecuador resource-development nexus}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2017.1357646},
volume = {24},
year = {2017}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2016.1273842,
abstract = {This paper is the first to investigate the changes in criteria for market access under China's Qualified Foreign Institutional Investor (QFII) Programmes. By combining insights on institutional change and Chinese elite politics, it demonstrates that the evolution of access criteria can be explained by interdependent bargaining between Chinese party leaders, administrative authorities and corporate interests. The 2008 global financial crisis triggered fundamental shifts in resource interdependencies that altered the bargaining dynamics between these agents. The changes in internal and external conditions are decisive for understanding how the QFII programmes evolved. The analysis draws on an original data-set coupling 91 multi-stakeholder interviews, database analysis and internal government records. The findings show that institutional change in China's cross-border investment programmes is a negotiated economic outcome bridging interdependent state and market agents. These results have important implications for the study of globalisation and institutional change in non-Western contexts. They challenge existing narratives of an all-pervasive Chinese party-state that is resistant to change.},
author = {T{\"{o}}pfer, Laura-Marie},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2016.1273842},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Chinese party-state,capital markets,financial globalisation,global financial crisis,institutional change,state capitalism},
number = {1},
pages = {144--175},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Institutional change in Chinese cross-border finance: foreign investors, the party-state and power resources}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2016.1273842},
volume = {24},
year = {2017}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2012.733316,
abstract = {Focusing on Mexico, this article makes two departures from existing studies of the determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI): (1) it disaggregates investment into three types (resource-, market- and efficiency-seeking); and (2) it models variation in investment subnationally, across the 32 Mexican states. Using panel data for foreign investment between 2000 and 2009, we find that the predictors of subnational variation in investment go beyond simple geographic and economic conditions and include factors such as local political party control, social stability and the perceived effectiveness of state authorities. Moreover, the three types of investment are shaped by distinct social, political and economic dynamics. Insofar as the location and type of foreign investment can affect economic development and inequality within – and not just between – countries, the subnational distribution of investment is of consequence for both academics and policy makers.},
author = {Samford, Steven and G{\'{o}}mez, Priscila Ortega},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2012.733316},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment,Mexico,corruption,political parties},
number = {2},
pages = {467--496},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Subnational politics and foreign direct investment in Mexico}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2012.733316},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2012.756414,
abstract = {Contemporary globalization has been marked by significant shifts in the organization and governance of global industries. In the 1970s and 1980s, one such shift was characterized by the emergence of buyer-driven and producer-driven commodity chains. In the early 2000s, a more differentiated typology of governance structures was introduced, which focused on new types of coordination in global value chains (GVCs). Today the organization of the global economy is entering another phase, with transformations that are reshaping the governance structures of both GVCs and global capitalism at various levels: (1) the end of the Washington Consensus and the rise of contending centers of economic and political power; (2) a combination of geographic consolidation and value chain concentration in the global supply base, which, in some cases, is shifting bargaining power from lead firms in GVCs to large suppliers in developing economies; (3) new patterns of strategic coordination among value chain actors; (4) a shift in the end markets of many GVCs accelerated by the economic crisis of 2008–09, which is redefining regional geographies of investment and trade; and (5) a diffusion of the GVC approach to major international donor agencies, which is prompting a reformulation of established development paradigms.},
author = {Gereffi, Gary},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2012.756414},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {East Asia,Globalization,Latin America,development,export-oriented industrialization (EOI),global commodity chains,global value chains,import-substituting industrialization (ISI),value-added trade},
number = {1},
pages = {9--37},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Global value chains in a post-Washington Consensus world}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2012.756414},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2011.648567,
abstract = {While the effects of cultural disparity and common institutional foundations on international trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) have been much analyzed, little analysis of languages' transaction costs has been done in either the international relations or international business literatures. This paper integrates literature from international political economy, international business and economics, and linguistics, to examine the transaction costs of languages under three different measures of language closeness, same language, direct communication, and language distance. Language is both a tool in international economic transactions and a vehicle to transmit cultural values, but our results point out that major trade languages are employed differently in international trade and in FDI. Communication costs, for both FDI and international trade, show a hierarchy, with English the most inexpensive among major trade languages. We introduce the concept of language intensity to explain why communication costs are much more important in FDI than in international trade. Major trade languages may obtain considerable power from their economic use; we examine the asymmetric nature of this power. We empirically test these ideas in gravity equation models.},
author = {II, W Travis Selmier and Oh, Chang Hoon},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2011.648567},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {International political economy,foreign direct investment,international trade.,language distance,languages,transaction costs},
number = {3},
pages = {486--514},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The Power of Major Trade Languages in Trade and Foreign Direct Investment}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2011.648567},
volume = {20},
year = {2013}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2015.1086401,
abstract = {Many developing countries use tax incentives to attract foreign direct investment, sacrificing immediate revenue from foreign capital, even though the effects of tax incentives on investment, growth, and revenue are empirically dubious. This leads to the puzzle of why states adopt tax incentives. Extant studies of tax incentive adoption overlook the fact that many countries have decentralized fiscal authority, allowing subnational governments to offer tax incentives. Public finance scholars argue that fiscal federalism intensifies tax competition among regions. Hence, drawing on the public finance scholarship, one may ask: Does fiscal decentralization lead to a race to the top among subnational governments and an oversupply of tax incentives in a country? This article argues that fiscal decentralization affects tax incentives in complex ways. When subnational governments are authorized to set tax policies, their politicians have economic and political incentives to engage in tax competition for mobile capital, providing more tax incentives in a country. However, the politicians are less likely to do so if they are held accountable and have to fund most expenditures through own-source tax revenues. An empirical analysis of over 50 developing countries in early 2000s produces robust supporting evidence. This research challenges both the view that fiscal decentralization is always beneficial and the view that horizontal competition invariably produces inefficiently low tax rates. The impact of fiscal decentralization on tax incentives and by implication, revenue mobilization depends on the design of the central–local government relations.},
author = {Li, Quan},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2015.1086401},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {developing countries,fiscal decentralization,foreign direct investment,quantitative analysis,tax incentive},
number = {2},
pages = {232--260},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Fiscal decentralization and tax incentives in the developing world}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2015.1086401},
volume = {23},
year = {2016}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2015.1018920,
abstract = {Over the past several decades, firms have de-verticalized and internationalized increasingly complex manufacturing and service functions, a phenomenon studied across the social sciences. However, the disciplines disagree over whether the fragmentation of production is substantively novel, requiring amendments to trade theory, or is simply a secular deepening of the international division of labor. Some economists view it as ‘just trade,' driven by well-known actor-less determinants, such as factor endowments, technology, and returns to scale, while more recent firm heterogeneity trade theories consider firm behavior. By contrast, other heterodox social science approaches differ by focusing on the strategic actions of firms and sector-specific governance as independent drivers which ‘govern' trade and determine the division of value between countries. This paper develops novel measurements by utilizing unique transactional trade data – the raw firm-level trade transactions that comprise standard inter-country trade statistics – on 439 of China's largest exporters in 18 subsectors of the electronics and light industries, to examine whether trade is heterogeneously governed in ways theorized by the global value chain (GVC) literature. It finds substantial empirical support for GVC-governed trade, and advances both GVC and firm-centric trade theory along several fronts.},
author = {Dallas, Mark P},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2015.1018920},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {China,firm heterogeneity,global value chains,governance,international trade,multinational enterprises (MNE),transactional trade data,vertical specialization},
number = {5},
pages = {875--909},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{‘Governed' trade: global value chains, firms, and the heterogeneity of trade in an era of fragmented production}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2015.1018920},
volume = {22},
year = {2015}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2018.1543721,
abstract = {Ethnic diasporas are important actors in the global economy. Thanks to their transnational networks and cultural skills, migrants help to deepen economic ties between nations. Existing research, however, overlooks that diaspora communities are ethnic minorities embedded in potentially hostile social environments, as they often face social exclusion and discrimination. This article studies the economic implications of international migration by focusing on the relationship between migrant minorities and indigenous majorities. It argues that ethnic prejudice against entrepreneurial diasporas may constrain their ability to foster international economic integration, as it lowers public support for international flows. Empirical support for this hypothesis is found in a survey experiment leveraging on the case of Indonesia, a Muslim-majority society in which a small Chinese minority has long played a key role in domestic and international business. The findings have implications for research on migrant networks, international political economy and diaspora policy.},
author = {Fossati, Diego},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2018.1543721},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Diasporas,Indonesia,ethnic prejudice,foreign direct investment,overseas Chinese,policy preferences},
number = {1},
pages = {134--157},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Embedded diasporas: ethnic prejudice, transnational networks and foreign investment}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2018.1543721},
volume = {26},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2013.824913,
abstract = {Very high levels of foreign bank ownership in central and eastern Europe (CEE) gave rise to fears that the region would be vulnerable to ‘cutting and running' during a financial crisis, whereby western parent banks would repatriate capital and liquidity to their home markets and abandon their CEE clients. Such fears were compounded by the economic nationalism of late 2008 and early 2009 in western Europe, as well as by west European bank bailout programmes that privileged home markets over foreign ones. Although CEE experienced a severe credit crunch in late 2008, compared to other financial and economic crises, western bank behaviour in CEE has not amounted to ‘cutting and running'. While many experts credit the ‘Vienna Initiative' for maintaining foreign bank exposures in the region, this paper argues instead that it was the deep form of financial integration to which CEE was subject that kept banks committed. Specifically, western banks' ‘second home market' business model, in which capital moved east via foreign-owned bank subsidiaries as opposed to primarily via branches or cross-border lending, led to only moderate retrenchment from CEE.},
author = {Epstein, Rachel A},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2013.824913},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {European integration,Foreign bank ownership,Vienna Initiative,bank subsidiaries,cutting and running,financial crisis},
number = {4},
pages = {847--877},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{When do foreign banks ‘cut and run'? Evidence from west European bailouts and east European markets}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2013.824913},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2014.958091,
abstract = {One of the most important developments in the modern global economy is financial globalization. This has raised threats to the stability of political regimes in two ways: (1) by enhancing the possibility of a financial crisis that could cause political turmoil; and (2) by easing access to foreign sources of financing for opposition political groups. I argue that state capitalism – defined as state-owned publicly listed corporations – is greater among one-party regimes as a way to address these dual threats. One-party regimes have both the motivation and a greater institutional capacity for addressing these threats in comparison to other regimes. Tests are conducted on 607 firms in 1996 and 856 firms in 2008 across seven East Asian economies, and are supplemented with case studies of Malaysia and South Korea. The evidence suggests that financial globalization is contributing to the rise of the state as a counter reaction.},
author = {Carney, Richard W},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2014.958091},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {East Asia,One-party regimes,authoritarianism,autocracy,corporate ownership,dominant party regimes,financial globalization,single party regimes,stability,state owned enterprises},
number = {4},
pages = {838--873},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The stabilizing state: State capitalism as a response to financial globalization in one-party regimes}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2014.958091},
volume = {22},
year = {2015}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2015.1089303,
abstract = {This paper examines the domestic sources of the internationalization of national oil companies (NOCs) in China and India. It argues that – counter to notions of state-led internationalization – the going abroad of NOCs reflects a pattern of ‘coopetition,' i.e., the co-existence of cooperation and conflict between increasingly entrepreneurial NOCs and partially supportive and interventionist home governments. In China, the state has predominantly assumed the role of resource supplier, rarely stepping in as a veto player. In India, the NOC–government relationship has been more adversarial, with the state intervening more often as a veto player than its Chinese counterpart and only slowly emerging as a resource supplier. These patterns of internationalization can be explained by how two major trends have been playing out in the two countries: (1) the marketization of NOCs, and (2) the reform of the governance of overseas investments. The findings matter to theory and policy. First, they unpack the relational dynamics of business–government relations in hybrid models of capitalism beyond notions of top-down and bottom-up dynamics. Second, our analysis shows that the state intervenes in the international energy strategies of emerging economies as the occasional veto player rather than actively leveraging NOC internationalization for geopolitical goals.},
author = {Meckling, Jonas and Kong, Bo and Madan, Tanvi},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2015.1089303},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {China,India,business–government relations,emerging economies,energy,national oil companies},
number = {6},
pages = {1159--1187},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Oil and state capitalism: government-firm coopetition in China and India}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2015.1089303},
volume = {22},
year = {2015}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2014.912990,
abstract = {By 2014, there was significant variation across the global economy in the levels of domestic and foreign bank ownership among states. While major emerging and most advanced countries continued to protect domestic control over the bulk of their banking assets, a number of developing and transition economies had opened their banking markets to unprecedentedly high levels of foreign bank ownership. This introduction to a special issue on the politics of bank ownership examines why states have taken such divergent paths, and maps out some of the major consequences of disparate foreign bank ownership levels. The special issue finds that banking sector protectionism against a backdrop of globalization has generated new conflicts and costs for states. Paradoxically, it is the large, powerful countries that are most susceptible to such costs and conflict, in contrast to their more open, if weaker, counterparts. In addition, we find that high levels of foreign bank ownership have not resulted in significant vulnerability for host states, as some scholars had predicted. In some cases, foreign bank ownership can even improve a weak state's power position. Finally, we conclude that states' varying approaches to banking sector protectionism and openness complicate efforts to supranationalize bank regulation and supervision, exacerbating financial instability.},
author = {Epstein, Rachel A},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2014.912990},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {European debt crisis,Foreign bank ownership,bank regulation,bank supervision,banking sector protectionism,financial instability},
number = {4},
pages = {765--789},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Assets or liabilities? The politics of bank ownership}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2014.912990},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2014.910539,
abstract = {We investigate the character of the market for corporate control (i.e. takeovers) in French and German banking. The key feature of this character is the marked abGoyer, Michel, and Rocio Valdivielso del Real. 2014. “Protection of Domestic Bank Ownership in France and Germany: The Functional Equivalency of Institutional Diversity in Takeovers.” Review of International Political Economy 21(4): 790–819. https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2014.910539.ility of French and German banks to resist unsolicited takeover bids, especially – although not exclusively– those from foreign competitors. We present an institutional perspective to account for the restrained character of takeovers in French and German banking. Our perspective is composed of two elements. First, institutional arrangements are important since they structure power relations among firm stakeholders by providing opportunities, as well as imposing constraints, to influence the decision-making process in which takeover transactions take place. Second, institutional arrangements provide firm stakeholders with several potential opportunities, not just one, to block unsolicited bids since takeover contests are composed of sequences of decisions for which approval is needed at each stage. French and German banks have used different mixes of institutional arrangements, themselves located at different stages of takeover transactions, to secure restrained markets for corporate control. Our institutional analysis, in turn, also illustrates an important shortcoming of banking sector protectionism, namely the contribution of protection from unsolicited takeover bids to the building of banks carrying systemic risks.},
author = {Goyer, Michel and del Real, Rocio Valdivielso},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2014.910539},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {banks,complex causation,domestic banks,foreign banks,institutions,state intervention/regulation,takeovers,varieties of capitalism},
number = {4},
pages = {790--819},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Protection of domestic bank ownership in France and Germany: The functional equivalency of institutional diversity in takeovers}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2014.910539},
volume = {21},
year = {2014}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2017.1406391,
abstract = {The hundreds of legal claims brought by foreign investors against states under bilateral investment treaties (BITs) have prompted growing public backlash. Yet, governments are responding to this backlash differently. Some countries heavily targeted by investor claims have terminated BITs while others have sought only moderate reforms to key provisions. Despite the rich literature on BITs, we know little about the dissonance in government approaches toward investor rights: Why do some countries terminate BITs while others seek to reform them? This article explores the strategies governments used to defend public and political interests during investor–state disputes in Argentina and Ecuador. Governments in both cases adopted policies they knew were likely to infringe on investor rights and employed strategies to mitigate the costs of investor claims with some success. Variation in government approaches, namely Ecuador's decision to terminate BITs and Argentina's decision to maintain them, stems from ideological differences and state–society relations. Ideological differences, which reflect their social bases, caused policy-makers to weigh the costs and benefits of BITs relative to domestic interests differently. This demonstrates that governments are not passive recipients of international rules, but instead will knowingly break with such rules where domestic interests are perceived to necessitate it.},
author = {Calvert, Julia},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2017.1406391},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Argentina,Bilateral investment treaties,Ecuador,constructivism,foreign investment},
number = {1},
pages = {75--97},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Constructing investor rights? Why some states (fail to) terminate bilateral investment treaties}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2017.1406391},
volume = {25},
year = {2018}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1625802,
abstract = {The financial crisis of 2007–2009 is now broadly recognised as a once-in-a-generation inflection point in the history of global economic governance. It has also prompted a reconsideration of established paradigms in international political economy (IPE) scholarship. Developments in global tax governance open a window onto these ongoing changes, and in this essay we discuss four recent volumes on the topic drawn from IPE and beyond, arguing against an emphasis on institutional stability and analyses that consider taxation in isolation. In contrast, we identify unprecedented changes in tax cooperation that reflect a significant contemporary reconfiguration of the politics of global economic governance writ large. To develop these arguments, we discuss the links between global tax governance and four fundamental changes underway in IPE: the return of the state through more activist policies; the global power shift towards large emerging markets; the politics of austerity and populism; and the digitalisation of the economy.},
author = {Christensen, Rasmus Corlin and Hearson, Martin},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2019.1625802},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Global economic governance,OECD,global financial crisis,globalization,offshore finance,rising powers,tax,tax havens},
number = {5},
pages = {1068--1088},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The new politics of global tax governance: taking stock a decade after the financial crisis}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1625802},
volume = {26},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2012.727361,
abstract = {This paper examines the domestic politics of financial internationalization. Financial internationalization has two components, the liberalization of cross-border capital flows and the liberalization of foreign ownership restrictions, yet most research to date has concentrated exclusively on the former. Building on existing theoretical work, this paper argues that in the developing world, domestic finance favors the joint abolition of restrictions on the inflow of foreign capital alongside continued restrictions on the ability of foreigners to own and operate domestic financial institutions. I test the argument on a unique dataset of foreign entry restrictions in developing economies and by examining interest group pressures for financial internationalization in Indonesia and Mexico. The findings complement and extend recent work on financial internationalization in the developing world and suggest further areas for research in the role of domestic interest group preferences for global economic integration.},
author = {Pepinsky, Thomas B},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2012.727361},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Financial politics,Indonesia,Mexico,capital controls,globalization and domestic politics,interest groups and IPE},
number = {4},
pages = {848--880},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The domestic politics of financial internationalization in the developing world}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2012.727361},
volume = {20},
year = {2013}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1624383,
abstract = {This article investigates changes in the preference concerning restrictions on minority foreign ownership of equities among powerful groups of domestic asset holders in Russia. In three episodes between 1992 and 2006, local business interests opposed the easing of the rules for minority foreign ownership while they competed for control over disputed assets. Once they gained outright control of those assets, the winning groups began favoring lowering the barriers to portfolio investment inflows that would allow them to access liquidity and investment, and also aid their efforts to legitimize ownership rights. This account of financial integration in Russia suggests that domestic economic elites change their preferences with respect to financial openness policies depending on the outcome of ongoing contests for control over the relevant assets. Scholars of financial globalization in developing and emerging market economies should consider how contestability of property rights in the absence of the rule of law can influence the preferences of key domestic groups toward policies that enable or restrict the process of financial internationalization.},
author = {Logvinenko, Igor},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2019.1624383},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Financial politics,Russia,equity market restrictions,foreign portfolio investment,globalization and domestic politics,investment flows,property rights},
number = {4},
pages = {695--721},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{Before the interests are invested: disputes over asset control and equity market restrictions in Russia}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1624383},
volume = {26},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2019.1646669,
abstract = {Many have claimed that in the dependent market economies of Central and Eastern Europe industrial policy has been reduced to incentives to foreign investors – a feature accentuated by their loss of policy space through integration into the European single market. In this paper, we offer an alternative view by arguing that the European Union (EU) has in fact made it possible for its members to recover a degree of policy space lost to economic and regulatory integration. The EU does this through transnational industrial policy, which is the combination of its competition and cohesion policies. The former limits cross-country competition for capital; the latter provides additional resources to support a more inclusive industrial policy benefiting small and medium enterprises (SMEs). However, effective utilization of transnational industrial policy depends on domestic state capacities. We demonstrate this by comparing the distribution of EU funds to automotive firms in Poland and Romania. In Poland, efforts to create institutions that promote SMEs have resulted in a more balanced distribution of EU resources, while in Romania a weak and unstable institutional environment led to their greater concentration, thereby reducing European funds to another source of rents for the most powerful firms.},
author = {Medve-B{\'{a}}lint, Gergő and {\v{S}}{\'{c}}epanovi{\'{c}}, Vera},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2019.1646669},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {Central and Eastern Europe,Dependent market economies,EU funds,automotive industry,transnational industrial policy,upgrading},
number = {0},
pages = {1--20},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{EU funds, state capacity and the development of transnational industrial policies in Europe's Eastern periphery}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2019.1646669},
volume = {0},
year = {2019}
}
@article{doi:10.1080/09692290.2016.1275743,
abstract = {This article examines how Chinese National Oil Companies (NOCs) make location decisions regarding investments in overseas oil and gas. We argue that these location decisions are determined by the allocation of risk between state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and high-level politics. As such, the investment decisions made by NOCs change over time and according to who bears the risk of the investment: the firm or the state. An econometric analysis based on a novel data-set of Chinese NOCs' OFDI over a 14-year period supports this argument. Our findings challenge existing notions of Chinese exceptionalism: rather than making ‘risk perverse' location decisions, we find that NOCs seek out host states with robust provisions for the rule of law, control over corruption, and that have a history of stability over the long run.},
author = {Chalmers, Adam William and Mocker, Susanna Theresia},
doi = {10.1080/09692290.2016.1275743},
journal = {Review of International Political Economy},
keywords = {China,energy resources,exceptionalism,national oil companies,outward foreign direct investment,risk},
number = {1},
pages = {119--143},
publisher = {Routledge},
title = {{The end of exceptionalism? Explaining Chinese National Oil Companies' overseas investments}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2016.1275743},
volume = {24},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Caselli2018,
abstract = {We study whether and to what extent the electoral dynamics in Italy over the 1994-2008 period can be explained by the development of economic factors associated with globalization. To measure the level of exposure to globalization for local labor markets, our main unit of analysis, we use the intensity of import competition from China and the presence of immigrants. Looking at parties' political positions and employing an estimation strategy that accounts for endogeneity and time-invariant unobserved effects across local labor markets, we find that both immigration intensity and exposure to import competition from China have contributed positively to the electoral outcomes of far-right parties, whereas only the former has produced a positive effect on the votes of right-wing and traditionalist/authoritarian/nationalist parties. On the other hand, neither of them has had an effect on far-left parties. Moreover, electoral turnout has responded negatively to an increased presence of migrants. While the above effects seem to work through the mediation of labor markets, the results suggest that other mechanisms at the level of local communities are also at play.},
author = {Caselli, Mauro and Fracasso, Andrea and Traverso, Silvio},
doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3194705},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Caselli, Fracasso, Traverso - 2018 - Globalization and Electoral Outcomes Evidence from Italy.pdf:pdf},
issn = {1556-5068},
journal = {SSRN Electronic Journal},
number = {May 2018},
pages = {1--36},
title = {{Globalization and Electoral Outcomes: Evidence from Italy}},
url = {https://www.ssrn.com/abstract=3194705},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Blake2017,
abstract = {Research summary: In this article, we investigate the firm-specific environment and its impact on firm strategy focusing on adverse changes in the policy environment and their effect on divestitures. We argue that experiencing a negative change in the firm-specific policy environment causes firms to reassess their exposure to policy risk and their ability to manage their policy environment, making them more likely to divest. Operationalizing negative shifts in the firm-specific policy environment through formal policy disputes between firms and governments, we find that following a dispute, firms are more likely to divest both in the country where the dispute occurs and in other countries in the same region. However, the impact of disputes on divestitures is firm specific, applying only to firms directly involved in a dispute. Managerial summary: What is the impact of change in the firm-specific environment on firm strategy? We argue that when firms directly experience a negative change in their policy environment that is specific to them, they negatively reassess their exposure to policy risk and their ability to manage their policy environment, which makes them more likely to undertake a divestiture. We analyze formal disputes between firms and governments that arise from adverse changes in policy and find that, following a dispute, firms are more likely to divest in the country where the dispute occurs and in other countries in the same region. However, the impact of disputes on divestitures is firm specific as it applies only to firms directly involved in a dispute. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2016 John Wiley {\&} Sons, Ltd.},
author = {Blake, Daniel J. and Moschieri, Caterina},
doi = {10.1002/smj.2509},
issn = {0143-2095},
journal = {Strategic Management Journal},
keywords = {corporate strategy,divestiture,expropriation,policy risk,uncertainty},
month = {mar},
number = {3},
pages = {732--750},
title = {{Policy risk, strategic decisions and contagion effects: Firm‐specific considerations}},
url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/smj.2509},
volume = {38},
year = {2017}
}
@incollection{Drezner2016,
author = {Drezner, Daniel W. and Hite-Rubin, Nancy F.},
booktitle = {Sustainable Security: Rethinking American National Security Strategy},
doi = {10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190611477.003.0003},
editor = {Suri, Jeremi and Valentino, Benjamin},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Drezner, Hite-Rubin - 2016 - Does American Military Power Attract Foreign Investment.pdf:pdf},
pages = {51--72},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
title = {{Does American Military Power Attract Foreign Investment?}},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Vekasi2017,
author = {Vekasi, Kristin},
doi = {10.1093/cjip/pow017},
issn = {1750-8916},
journal = {The Chinese Journal of International Politics},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {95--129},
title = {{Transforming Geopolitical Risk: Public Diplomacy of Multinational Firms for Foreign Audiences}},
url = {https://academic.oup.com/cjip/article-lookup/doi/10.1093/cjip/pow017},
volume = {10},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Johns2019b,
author = {Johns, Leslie and Wellhausen, Rachel L.},
journal = {Working paper},
title = {{The Price of Doing Business: How Startup Costs Improve Government Treatment of Foreign Firms}},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Long2015,
abstract = {We provide firm level empirical evidence that the presence of foreign direct investment (FDI) has positively affected the institutional quality of the host regions in China. Specifically, Chinese domestic firms located in regions with a higher level of FDI tend to enjoy a lower level of tax and fee burdens, less arbitrariness in such burdens, as well as better legal protection. To address the potential issue of endogeneity, we adopt the instrumental variable approach. In addition, we explore the specific mechanisms through which the institutional impact is materialized and provide various extensions of the empirical findings that offer further support for the FDI-induced institutional improvement argument. {\textcopyright} 2014 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Long, Cheryl and Yang, Jin and Zhang, Jing},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.08.001},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Long, Yang, Zhang - 2015 - Institutional impact of foreign direct investment in China.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Asia,China,FDI,Institutional impact,Legal protection,Tax burden},
number = {71273217},
pages = {31--48},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Institutional impact of foreign direct investment in China}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.08.001},
volume = {66},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Chen2017,
abstract = {How does a globalized context influence domestic development policies and the allocation of government resources in an authoritarian country like China? This study explores the coalitional politics in China's transition from foreign direct investment (FDI) attraction to domestic technology upgrading, which created winners and losers in the local allocation of government resources. Drawing on comparative case studies, semi-structured interviews and newly compiled data at the city level, the study finds that the varied levels of government support for domestic upgrading are shaped by coalitions for or against the transition. The major obstacle for bureaucrats within a city government to garner resources for domestic technology does not directly depend on the overall level of FDI. Rather, it comes from the vested interest of international commerce bureaucrats. These bureaucrats are more likely to form a cohesive coalition when the export share of foreign firms is large. At the same time, such a coalition is more likely to gain political influence when industrial sales are concentrated in large firms. The direction and magnitude of foreign capital influence, therefore, is channeled and manifested through local bureaucratic coalitions. This study sheds light on the politics of implementing development policies in an era in which globalization has cultivated fragmented interests within the local bureaucracy.},
author = {Chen, Ling},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.05.001},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chen - 2017 - Grounded Globalization Foreign Capital and Local Bureaucrats in China's Economic Transformation.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Asia,China,development policy,foreign capital,local bureaucrats,technology policy},
pages = {381--399},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Grounded Globalization: Foreign Capital and Local Bureaucrats in China's Economic Transformation}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.05.001},
volume = {98},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Dreher2013,
abstract = {The decisions of foreign investors on technical cooperation versus equity engagements and on the degree of ownership in FDI projects are likely to depend on their relative bargaining position vis-{\`{a}}-vis the host country. We perform negative binominal regressions by making use of a unique dataset on about 24,500 technical cooperation and FDI projects in India by investors from 45 countries of origin over the 1991-2004 period. We find that relative market size, relative financial market development, relative risk, relative endowment of human capital, and previous international experience significantly affect the type of engagement by foreign investors in post-reform India. {\textcopyright} 2012 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Dreher, Axel and Nunnenkamp, Peter and Vadlamannati, Krishna Chaitanya},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2012.09.011},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dreher, Nunnenkamp, Vadlamannati - 2013 - The Role of Country-of-Origin Characteristics for Foreign Direct Investment and Technical Coop.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Countries of origin,Foreign investors,India,Joint ventures,Technical cooperation},
pages = {88--109},
title = {{The Role of Country-of-Origin Characteristics for Foreign Direct Investment and Technical Cooperation in Post-Reform India}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2012.09.011},
volume = {44},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Boly2014,
abstract = {Diasporans can contribute to the development of their home countries by investing their capital in existing businesses and/or setting up new ventures in their countries-of-origin. This paper analyzes whether these growingly important investors differ from domestic firms and foreign investors in terms of export behavior. Our results indicate that diaspora firms are more likely to be exporters, to export more intensively and toward more destinations compared to domestic firms; in addition their export performance is not substantially dissimilar to that of MNEs. The presence of diaspora investors and entrepreneurs may contribute to boost the internationalization of developing countries. {\textcopyright} 2014 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Boly, Amadou and Coniglio, Nicola Daniele and Prota, Francesco and Seric, Adnan},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.02.006},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Boly et al. - 2014 - Diaspora investments and firm export performance in selected sub-Saharan African countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Diaspora firms,Export performance,Foreign direct investment,Sub-Saharan Africa},
pages = {422--433},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Diaspora investments and firm export performance in selected sub-Saharan African countries}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.02.006},
volume = {59},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Adetutu2020,
abstract = {{\textless}p{\textgreater}We use a stochastic frontier analysis (SFA) model to investigate the impact of domestic and foreign R{\&}D on agricultural productivity for a sample of 30 sub-Sahara African (SSA) countries during the period 1981–2011. The results reveal that total factor productivity is strongly influenced by both domestic and foreign R{\&}D spending in the agricultural sector, albeit the former plays a more important role. The decomposition of total factor productivity (TFP) and its components show an annual average rate of productivity growth of 4.8{\%}, driven mainly by technical change which had an average annual improvement of 3.2{\%}. Efficiency change had a negative impact on productivity and generally exhibited a net reduction in TFP growth at an average annual growth rate of −0.8{\%}. Our sub-regional analyses indicate the West African region recorded the highest productivity growth during the period under consideration. Overall, our findings highlight the crucial role of knowledge stocks in driving agricultural productivity in the SSA region.{\textless}/p{\textgreater}},
author = {Adetutu, Morakinyo O. and Ajayi, Victor},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.104690},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Adetutu, Ajayi - 2020 - The impact of domestic and foreign R{\&}D on agricultural productivity in sub-Saharan Africa.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {agricultural productivity},
pages = {104690},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{The impact of domestic and foreign R{\&}D on agricultural productivity in sub-Saharan Africa}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.104690},
volume = {125},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Morrissey2016,
abstract = {Farla, de Crombrugghe, and Verspagen (2016) raise two criticisms of Morrissey and Udomkerdmongkol (2012): that a more appropriate instrumentation strategy eliminates the significance of the effect of governance, and the finding that FDI crowds out private investment is reversed using their preferred dependent variable. This response accepts the first point as they do demonstrate the fragility of results for governance, but rejects the second point as they do not actually provide evidence of crowding in.},
author = {Morrissey, Oliver and Udomkerdmongkol, Manop},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.08.001},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Morrissey, Udomkerdmongkol - 2016 - Response to ‘Institutions, Foreign Direct Investment, and Domestic Investment Crowding Out or C(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Morrissey, Udomkerdmongkol - 2016 - Response to ‘Institutions, Foreign Direct Investment, and Domestic Investment Crowding Out or Cr.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {,developing countries,fdi,governance,investment,rent seeking,technology spillovers},
pages = {10--11},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Response to ‘Institutions, Foreign Direct Investment, and Domestic Investment: Crowding Out or Crowding In?'}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.04.008 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.08.001},
volume = {88},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Lakatos2014,
abstract = {Despite the recent controversy about opening up the distribution sector to foreign retailers, there is political will that remains in favor of pushing through reforms in India. In this paper, we quantify the economic impact of the removal of barriers to foreign investment in multi-brand retailing on different stakeholders using a newly developed general equilibrium model. The model accounts explicitly for both foreign direct investment and the activities of foreign affiliates using heterogeneous production technologies. We find that the unilateral reduction of barriers to FDI in distribution services in India benefits the economy as a whole, consumers, and foreign producers but hurts domestic distributors. Nevertheless, when we consider the associated productivity improvements documented in the literature to downstream and upstream industries, we find that domestic producers are expected to benefit from the liberalization of the distribution sector as well. {\textcopyright} 2014 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Lakatos, Csilla and Fukui, Tani},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.01.013},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lakatos, Fukui - 2014 - The Liberalization of Retail Services in India.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {General equilibrium models,India,Retail services},
pages = {327--340},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{The Liberalization of Retail Services in India}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.01.013},
volume = {59},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Wegenast2019,
abstract = {China's increasing investments in African countries have attracted considerable media attention and are the subject of scholarly debate. However, the socioeconomic impacts of China's presence in Africa remain poorly understood. While some case studies maintain that Chinese projects have an enclave character and have largely failed to promote economic spillovers and local employment, others claim that Chinese activities have in fact encouraged infrastructural development and local economic activity. Focusing on the labor market effects of foreign mining investments in Africa, this article examines whether Chinese-controlled companies generate fewer local jobs compared to non-Chinese mining operations. Theoretically, we argue that—due to a competitive advantage in the employment of expatriate workers and a lower readiness to invest in local skill formation—Chinese firms are less likely to foster regional employment. Relying on novel data on the control-rights regimes of diamond, gold, and copper mines and georeferenced information from Afrobarometer surveys, we test the effect of mining contractors' nationality on local employment rates. Our individual-level logistic models show that respondents living close to Chinese mining areas are more likely to report being unemployed compared to individuals living in the vicinity of non-Chinese mining operations. Times-series cross-sectional estimations employing district-level data from the Demographic and Health Surveys for 20 sub-Saharan countries over the period 1997–2015 corroborate these findings. Furthermore, we find evidence that negative perceptions of China among indigenous populations are largely driven by the belief that Chinese workers are crowding out local employment.},
author = {Wegenast, Tim and Krauser, Mario and Str{\"{u}}ver, Georg and Giesen, Juliane},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.02.007},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Wegenast et al. - 2019 - At Africa's expense Disaggregating the employment effects of Chinese mining operations in sub-Saharan Africa.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {China,Mining,Natural resources,Sub-Saharan Africa,Unemployment},
pages = {39--51},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{At Africa's expense? Disaggregating the employment effects of Chinese mining operations in sub-Saharan Africa}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.02.007},
volume = {118},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Cieslik2018,
abstract = {In this paper we study the effects of corruption using an open economy version of the endogenous growth model with international capital mobility. In particular, the model predicts that corruption negatively affects the stock of international investment in the host country. In addition, the model predicts that growth should be impaired by the uncertainty caused by corruption. Bribes, unlike taxes, involve unpredictable distortion in the discretionary and uncertain use of the government power. This results in additional costs to businesses and alongside with resources allocated to unproductive activities impose an extra burden on the economy. We test empirically the predictions of the theory using a sample of 142 countries for the period 1994–2014 and GMM methods. Using indicators of control of corruption from the World Bank, the lack of corruption is found to have a positive and statistically significant effect on the growth rate of real per capital GDP and increased the investment ratio. Hence, the empirical results suggest that corruption directly hinders economic growth by hampering investment. The estimated effects are robust to changes in specifications and estimation methods. Thus, it can be concluded that richer countries with better access to international financing should be growing faster and be less prone to the adverse effects of corruption than the emerging economies.},
author = {Cie{\'{s}}lik, Andrzej and Goczek, {\L}ukasz},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.10.028},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cie{\'{s}}lik, Goczek - 2018 - Control of corruption, international investment, and economic growth – Evidence from panel data.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Corruption,Growth,Investment},
pages = {323--335},
title = {{Control of corruption, international investment, and economic growth – Evidence from panel data}},
volume = {103},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Clements2020,
abstract = {Learning and accountability in foreign aid require project comparisons, but the dominant framework for aid evaluation institutionalizes inconsistency. Today, most aid evaluations are organized in terms of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) criteria: relevance, effectiveness, efficiency, impact and sustainability. Usually the evaluators determine how to apply each criterion. Also, with donor agencies organizing their own evaluation systems, project monitoring tends to be weak and many evaluations are superficial, positively biased, and/or poorly timed. Logically, the most effective way to improve learning and accountability would be to implement independent and consistent evaluation for cost effectiveness. We substantiate and illustrate this argument by explaining why evaluation should be oriented to cost effectiveness and how this could be accomplished by an evaluation association, and by discussing six evaluations of health projects and several documents that summarize many evaluations. The proposed association would provide a stronger foundation in evidence and incentive environment for aid managers to make decisions that maximize the cost effectiveness of their interventions. This would enhance the professionalism of foreign aid and hasten an end to poverty.},
author = {Clements, Paul},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.104670},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Clements - 2020 - Improving learning and accountability in foreign aid.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
pages = {104670},
publisher = {The Author},
title = {{Improving learning and accountability in foreign aid}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.104670},
volume = {125},
year = {2020}
}
@article{Iwasaki2014,
abstract = {In this paper, we conduct a meta-analysis of the literature that empirically examines the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on economic growth in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. We found that existing studies indicate a growth-enhancing effect of FDI in the region as a whole. The results of our meta-regression analysis suggest that the effect size and statistical significance of the reported estimates strongly depend on study conditions. We also found that the relevant studies fail to present genuine evidence of a non-zero FDI effect. More research is necessary to identify the true effect. {\textcopyright} 2014 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Iwasaki, Ichiro and Tokunaga, Masahiro},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.03.022},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Iwasaki, Tokunaga - 2014 - Macroeconomic impacts of FDI in transition economies A meta-analysis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Central and Eastern Europe,Economic transition,Former Soviet Union,Macroeconomic impacts of FDI,Meta-analysis,Publication selection bias},
pages = {53--69},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Macroeconomic impacts of FDI in transition economies: A meta-analysis}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.03.022},
volume = {61},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Donaubauer2016,
abstract = {Official development assistance (ODA) and foreign direct investment (FDI) are widely perceived to be alternative means of supplementing domestic savings and promoting economic development in low- and middle-income countries. However, possible complementarities of aid and FDI have received limited attention so far. It remains open to debate whether aid could render recipient countries more attractive to FDI by removing specific bottlenecks that prevent higher FDI inflows. In particular, we raise the hypothesis that aid specifically targeted at economic infrastructure helps developing countries attract higher FDI inflows through improving their endowment with infrastructure in transportation, communication, energy, and finance. By performing 3SLS estimations we explicitly account for dependencies between three structural equations on the allocation of sector-specific aid, the determinants of infrastructure, and the determinants of FDI. We find strong and robust evidence that aid in infrastructure is effective in improving the recipient countries' endowment with infrastructure. In sharp contrast, other aid is not effective in improving infrastructure. Infrastructure consistently proves to be an important determinant of developing countries' attractiveness to FDI. Consequently, only targeted aid promotes FDI indirectly through the infrastructure channel. In addition, aid in infrastructure has direct effects on FDI. It appears that foreign investors anticipate longer term effects of aid on the country's endowment with infrastructure and expect aid-financed infrastructure to serve them particularly well.},
author = {Donaubauer, Julian and Meyer, Birgit and Nunnenkamp, Peter},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.10.015},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Donaubauer, Meyer, Nunnenkamp - 2016 - Aid, Infrastructure, and FDI Assessing the Transmission Channel with a New Index of Infrastructur.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Aid effectiveness,Foreign direct investment,Infrastructure,Sector-specific aid},
pages = {230--245},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Aid, Infrastructure, and FDI: Assessing the Transmission Channel with a New Index of Infrastructure}},
volume = {78},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Lee2015,
abstract = {This study provides empirical evidence of the impact that technological progress has on wage inequality in Indonesia. The share of educated workers and their skill premiums have recently increased. A supply-demand analysis, using labor force survey data during 1990-2009, shows that both the between- and within-industry shifts of labor demand that favored skilled workers contributed to the widening wage inequality since the early 2000s. Evidence from firm-level data in the manufacturing sector indicates that the diffusion of foreign technologies through imports and foreign direct investment caused demand to shift toward more skilled labor and increased wage inequality.},
author = {Lee, Jong Wha and Wie, Dainn},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.10.020},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lee, Wie - 2015 - Technological change, skill demand, and wage inequality Evidence from Indonesia.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment,Globalization,Indonesia,Technology,Wage inequality},
pages = {238--250},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Technological change, skill demand, and wage inequality: Evidence from Indonesia}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.10.020},
volume = {67},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Amendolagine2019,
abstract = {The local sourcing of intermediate products is one the main channels for foreign direct investment (FDI) spillovers. This paper investigates whether and how participation and positioning in the global value chains (GVCs) of host countries is associated to local sourcing by foreign investors. Matching two firm-level data sets on 19 Sub-Saharan African countries and Vietnam to country-sector level measures of GVC involvement, we find that more intense GVC participation and upstream specialization are associated to a higher share of inputs sourced locally by foreign investors. These effects are larger in countries with stronger rule of law and better education.},
author = {Amendolagine, Vito and Presbitero, Andrea F. and Rabellotti, Roberta and Sanfilippo, Marco},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.08.010},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Amendolagine et al. - 2019 - Local sourcing in developing countries The role of foreign direct investments and global value chains.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
pages = {73--88},
publisher = {The Authors},
title = {{Local sourcing in developing countries: The role of foreign direct investments and global value chains}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.08.010},
volume = {113},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Rottgers2014,
abstract = {African countries have hardly used the opportunity to implement CDM projects and thereby turn environmental problems into business and development opportunities. This paper finds out why by identifying factors of CDM partnerships. Our gravity model analyzes flows of Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) between host and financier countries. Findings show that foreign direct investments, official development assistance, and trade have a positive influence on project attraction. A distinction between project initiation and CER flow size shows that the specific shortcomings of African countries lie with the initial attraction of investors. This points to an inadequacy in the initial process of project generation. {\textcopyright} 2014 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {R{\"{o}}ttgers, Dirk and Grote, Ulrike},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.05.009},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/R{\"{o}}ttgers, Grote - 2014 - Africa and the clean development mechanism What determines project investments.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Africa,Clean Development Mechanism,Foreign direct investment,Gravity model,Heckman,Official development assistance},
pages = {201--212},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Africa and the clean development mechanism: What determines project investments?}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.05.009},
volume = {62},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Djimeu2018,
abstract = {Between 1996 and 2014, 30 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries benefited from debt relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative and the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI). The architects of the HIPC initiative and MDRI posited that these programs would spur growth and investment. This paper exploits the variability of participation in the HIPC initiative and MDRI across time and country, in order to identity the effect of participation on growth and investment. I find that the decision point and post-completion point periods of the enhanced HIPC initiative are associated with a 1.762 percentage point and 3.139 percentage point increase in public investment, respectively. The impact is higher in countries with low access to international capital markets. The enhanced HIPC initiative increases private investment by 1.838 percentage points during the post-completion point period in countries with low access to international capital, for approximately two years, but has no effect on growth or foreign direct investment. I find no effect of the original HIPC initiative or MDRI on growth, private investment, public investment or foreign direct investment. I find no heterogeneous impact of the enhanced HIPC initiative on growth and foreign direct investment by level of indebtedness, access to international capital markets, or institutional quality. As the measures of institutional quality have barely changed between 1996 and 2014 in HIPC countries, the results of this paper suggest that without a strong improvement in institutional quality, debt relief is unlikely to boost investment and growth in Africa. Possible future debt relief in SSA countries should be associated with a component directly aimed at improving institutional quality. If an improvement of institutional quality is not feasible in the short run, debt relief in SSA countries should aim to support public investment.},
author = {Djimeu, Eric W.},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.11.002},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Djimeu - 2018 - The impact of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative on growth and investment in Africa.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Debt relief,Growth,HIPC initiative,Investment,Sub-Saharan Africa},
pages = {108--127},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{The impact of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative on growth and investment in Africa}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.11.002},
volume = {104},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Khanna2017,
abstract = {A large body of literature finds a negative relationship between oil abundance and economic growth. The existing empirical evidence on the oil curse, however, does not account for variations in the ownership of oil. This article investigates whether the effect of oil abundance on growth varies with ownership structures. It also investigates whether pre-existing institutional conditions influence the effect of oil abundance across different ownership structures. Using a novel database on ownership structures and employing a panel fixed effects estimation method, it analyzes a sample of oil-exporting developing countries during the period 1984–2005. The results show that the effect of oil abundance on growth varies with ownership structures and is also influenced by the quality of pre-existing institutions. Under state ownership and control, oil abundance reduces growth when the institutional quality is poor, but increases growth when the institutional quality is good. Under private ownership, on the other hand, oil abundance increases growth when the institutional quality is poor, but reduces growth when the institutional quality is good. The results suggest that ownership matters and countries can avoid the oil curse by choosing an appropriate ownership structure given their pre-existing institutional circumstances. The policy advice in this article is: adopt state ownership and control if the institutions are strong, if the institutions are weak, transfer ownership to foreign oil companies.},
author = {Khanna, Arpita Asha},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.05.026},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Khanna - 2017 - Revisiting the Oil Curse Does Ownership Matter.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {economic growth,institutional quality,oil curse,ownership},
pages = {214--229},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Revisiting the Oil Curse: Does Ownership Matter?}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.05.026},
volume = {99},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Latorre2016,
abstract = {This study analyzes the impact on female and male workers of tariff reform and the reduction of regulatory barriers faced by domestic and foreign firms operating in business services. It develops a data set that distinguishes labor by gender for 52 sectors and four skill categories. The model is the first to incorporate modern trade theory to assess its gender implications. The Dixit-Stiglitz framework results in productivity gains, which increase remunerations across all worker categories. However, this is less beneficial for women because the less skilled workers and the ones that are less involved in business services gain less.},
author = {Latorre, Mar{\'{i}}a C.},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.08.011},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Latorre - 2016 - A CGE Analysis of the Impact of Foreign Direct Investment and Tariff Reform on Female and Male Workers in Tanzania.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Ad valorem equivalents,Endogenous productivity effects,FDI in services,Gender,Trade},
pages = {346--366},
title = {{A CGE Analysis of the Impact of Foreign Direct Investment and Tariff Reform on Female and Male Workers in Tanzania}},
volume = {77},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Fadly2019,
abstract = {Given the rapid population growth and subsequent increase in energy demand in developing countries, private sector investment in renewable energy projects is key for sustainable economic development. However, the current energy mix is still dependent on conventional fossil fuels. The paper examines the time duration to private sector investment in renewable energy projects and how the hazard rate is affected by dependence on fossil fuels. Using data on private sector participation in renewable energy projects in 134 developing and middle-income countries for the (1990–2012) period, this paper applies multiple failure time model. The results show significant negative effects of fossil fuel consumption and fuel rent on investment likelihood. Consistent with literature, a set of socio-economic variables, such as renewable energy policy and energy security concerns, play an important role in increasing the likelihood of private sector investment in renewable energy technologies. The findings of the paper resonate with concerns of the international community regarding the effect of fossil fuel dependence on the rate of adoption of renewable energy sources in developing countries.},
author = {Fadly, Dalia},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.06.015},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fadly - 2019 - Low-carbon transition Private sector investment in renewable energy projects in developing countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Fossil fuel,Investment,Private sector,Renewable energy,Survival analysis},
pages = {552--569},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Low-carbon transition: Private sector investment in renewable energy projects in developing countries}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.06.015},
volume = {122},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Gui-Diby2015,
abstract = {This paper examines the relationship between inward foreign direct investment (FDI) and the industrialization process in Africa. It uses panel data from 49 countries over the period of 1980-2009. The results indicate that FDI did not have a significant impact on the industrialization of these countries, while other variables, such as the size of the market, the financial sector, and international trade were important. This study concludes that the role of FDI in the transformation agenda, which is currently being discussed in Africa, should be carefully analyzed to maximize the impact of these capital inflows.},
author = {Gui-Diby, Steve Loris and Renard, Mary Fran{\c{c}}oise},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.04.005},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gui-Diby, Renard - 2015 - Foreign Direct Investment Inflows and the Industrialization of African Countries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Africa,Foreign direct investment,Industrialization,Panel data},
pages = {43--57},
title = {{Foreign Direct Investment Inflows and the Industrialization of African Countries}},
volume = {74},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Pueyo2018,
abstract = {Policymakers in Sub-Saharan Africa face several choices to increase levels of access to electricity under severe budget constraints. First, they need to prioritise technologies that can supply electricity at a low cost. Second, they need to design and implement appropriate policies to attract private investment. On the first choice, renewable energy is becoming increasingly competitive with fossil fuels. Moreover, it contributes to energy security and environmental sustainability, while providing access to new sources of (sustainable) finance. On the second choice, developing countries typically face a multitude of constraints to attract investment to their energy sector. It can be daunting and expensive to address them all at once. This paper presents a new methodology to support policymakers to better target policies for the promotion of commercial-scale renewable energy investment. The methodology, which we call “Green Investment Diagnostics” draws upon the Growth Diagnostics framework, extensively used in the field of Development Economics to identify the binding constraints to economic growth. It is operationalised with a decision tree analysis that builds cumulative evidence to prioritise some constraints over others, through the review of indicators and validation through expert interviews. We apply this approach to Kenya and Ghana, finding that Ghana's key constraints to investment in renewable energy are an unreliable off-taker, macroeconomic imbalances, regulatory uncertainty, pressures to keep prices low, as well as insufficient and costly domestic finance. Kenya instead offers generous returns to investment in renewables but faces a low demand, a lack of networking infrastructure and problems of governance and social acceptance, exacerbated by uncertain land property rights and rent-seeking.},
author = {Pueyo, Ana},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.04.008},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Pueyo - 2018 - What constrains renewable energy investment in Sub-Saharan Africa A comparison of Kenya and Ghana.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Africa,Investment,Renewable energy},
pages = {85--100},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{What constrains renewable energy investment in Sub-Saharan Africa? A comparison of Kenya and Ghana}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.04.008},
volume = {109},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Bunte2018,
abstract = {Governments use a variety of policies to increase the impact of foreign investment on economic growth. An increasingly popular policy is to require that foreign companies provide public goods near the communities where their commercial investments are sited. This approach seeks to crowd in additional investments, create clusters of interconnected firms, and set in motion economic agglomeration processes. Post-2006 Liberia represents an ideal empirical setting to test the effectiveness of this approach. We construct a new dataset that measures the precise locations of 557 natural resource concessions granted to investors. We then merge these data with a remotely sensed measure of nighttime light growth at the 1 km × 1 km grid cell level and analyze it using a matched difference-in-differences strategy. We find heterogeneous treatment effects across sectors and investor types: mining (specifically iron-ore) investments projects have positive growth effects, while agriculture and forestry investment projects do not; furthermore, concessions granted to Chinese investors have positive growth effects while those given to U.S. investors do not. These patterns of heterogeneous treatment effects across sectors and investor types are consistent with the theory of change underpinning the government's development corridor strategy.},
author = {Bunte, Jonas B. and Desai, Harsh and Gbala, Kanio and Parks, Bradley and Runfola, Daniel Miller},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.02.034},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Bunte et al. - 2018 - Natural resource sector FDI, government policy, and economic growth Quasi-experimental evidence from Liberia.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Economic growth,FDI,Geo-referenced data,Liberia,Public goods},
pages = {151--162},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Natural resource sector FDI, government policy, and economic growth: Quasi-experimental evidence from Liberia}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.02.034},
volume = {107},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Merlevede2014,
abstract = {This study investigates the effect of foreign direct investment (FDI) on the productivity of local firms. In contrast to existing literature our empirical approach does not require FDI to have immediate or permanent effects. We find that foreign entry initially negatively affects local competitors' productivity, followed by a positive permanent effect from majority foreign owned firms present for longer time. The effect on the productivity of local suppliers, in contrast, is transient. Majority foreign owned firms boost local suppliers' productivity a few years after entry, then the effect fades out. Minority foreign owned firms have similar but smaller effect. {\textcopyright} 2013 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Merlevede, Bruno and Schoors, Koen and Spatareanu, Mariana},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.10.022},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Merlevede, Schoors, Spatareanu - 2014 - FDI Spillovers and Time since Foreign Entry.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Dynamics,FDI,Spillovers,Timing},
pages = {108--126},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{FDI Spillovers and Time since Foreign Entry}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.10.022},
volume = {56},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Mihalache-OKeef2018,
abstract = {This paper investigates the influence of foreign direct investments on the probability of civil conflict onset, contributing to the debate on globalization and civil conflict. I relax the common assumption that all forms of globalization are equivalent in their effects on civil conflict. I also incorporate the cross-sectoral heterogeneity of investments in existing arguments about the socioeconomic externalities of foreign direct investments as determinants of conflict. With long time horizons and managerial control of their foreign affiliates, foreign direct investors are strategic players aiming to maximize profits and uniquely able to alter their environment through socio-political channels. This distinguishes FDI from trade and foreign portfolio investments. Through a combination of political agency and socio-economic influences on grievance and greed among domestic groups, some types of FDI are likely to alleviate the risk of civil conflict (service sector FDI), while others exacerbate it (primary sector FDI). Analyses using a new data set of sector-specific FDI stock, 1980–2013, lend empirical support to the argument. Showing that economic globalization can have simultaneous positive and negative externalities, these findings are informative for the current dialogue on the role of global markets in sustainable development.},
author = {Mihalache-O'Keef, Andreea S.},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.01.012},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mihalache-O'Keef - 2018 - Whose greed, whose grievance, and whose opportunity Effects of foreign direct investments (FDI) on internal co.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Civil conflict,FDI,Foreign direct investment,Multinational corporations,Political violence},
pages = {187--206},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Whose greed, whose grievance, and whose opportunity? Effects of foreign direct investments (FDI) on internal conflict}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.01.012},
volume = {106},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Du2014,
abstract = {This paper examines how industrial policy - specifically tariff liberalization and tax subsidies - affects the magnitude and direction of FDI spillovers. We examine these spillover effects across the diverse ownership structure of China's manufacturing sector for 1998 through 2007. We find that tariff reforms, particularly tariff reductions associated with China's WTO ascension, increased the productivity impacts of FDI's backward spillovers. Tax policy - both corporate income and VAT subsidies - has seemingly drawn FDI into strategic industries that spawn significant vertical spillovers. We conclude that liberalization measures during the critical 1998-2007 period on balance served to enhance productivity growth in Chinese industry. {\textcopyright} 2014.},
author = {Du, Luosha and Harrison, Ann and Jefferson, Gary},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.06.005},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Du, Harrison, Jefferson - 2014 - FDI spillovers and industrial policy The role of tariffs and tax holidays.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {China,Foreign direct investment,Industrial policy,Manufacturing productivity,Spillovers},
pages = {366--383},
title = {{FDI spillovers and industrial policy: The role of tariffs and tax holidays}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.06.005},
volume = {64},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Dreher2015a,
abstract = {We argue that membership in specific international organizations (IOs) is an important determinant of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. To the extent that membership restricts a country from pursuing policies that are harmful to investors, it can signal reduced political risk. Using data over the 1971-2012 period, we find that membership in IOs does indeed increase inflows of FDI. We find this effect to be substantively important and robust to controlling for alternative determinants of FDI, to using different model specifications and to using an indicator of membership in regional rather than global IOs.},
author = {Dreher, Axel and Mikosch, Heiner and Voigt, Stefan},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.08.007},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dreher, Mikosch, Voigt - 2015 - Membership has its Privileges - The Effect of Membership in International Organizations on FDI.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {FDI,International organizations,Investment climate,Political risk},
pages = {346--358},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Membership has its Privileges - The Effect of Membership in International Organizations on FDI}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.08.007},
volume = {66},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Hecock2013,
abstract = {This paper examines the effect of social spending in developing countries on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Existing studies on the race to the bottom in social services attempt to discern the extent to which FDI affects social expenditure. However, it remains an open question whether FDI is actually attracted to lower spending levels. We find no indication that FDI is repelled by social spending; indeed there is strong evidence that investment is associated with greater programmatic emphases on health and education. These findings have important implications for leaders seeking to attract investment and for those attempting to expand social programs. {\textcopyright} 2012 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Hecock, R. Douglas and Jepsen, Eric M.},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2012.10.016},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hecock, Jepsen - 2013 - Should Countries Engage in a Race to the Bottom The Effect of Social Spending on FDI.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Education,Foreign direct investment,Human capital,Social spending},
pages = {156--164},
title = {{Should Countries Engage in a Race to the Bottom? The Effect of Social Spending on FDI}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2012.10.016},
volume = {44},
year = {2013}
}
@article{DAmelio2016,
abstract = {This paper examines the role that multinational enterprises (MNEs) and foreign direct investments (FDI) can have in enhancing the access to electricity for local communities in developing countries based on the quality of home and host institutions. Access to electricity is a marker for development but it is far from being universal in developing countries. The shortage of electricity is mainly the consequence of inability of governments in planning, financing, and developing necessary electricity infrastructure. In this context, investments from other actors can be essential. Particularly, we focus on the role of FDI and MNEs. We claim that when MNEs invest in developing countries, they are incentivized to solve the lack of electricity infrastructure mainly for two reasons: to guarantee their business activities and to gain legitimacy with their local stakeholders. In addition, we argue that MNEs and FDI from institutionally underdeveloped countries will be more prone to develop infrastructure for the provision of electricity to local population, as generally they suffer from a negative stereotype. For this study, we rely on 1,547 observations composed of pairs of 83 home countries and 15 host countries in sub-Saharan Africa, observed from 2005 to 2011. Due to the nature of the database, we adopt panel data techniques, i.e., system-GMM and corrected Least Square Dummy Variable estimators. We find that FDI promotes access to electricity in developing countries with weak institutions and this is more likely true when FDI come from institutionally underdeveloped countries. These results are far from obvious, as they controvert common idea among institutional scholars that a regulatory authority is essential in the provision of infrastructure. In conclusion, with this paper we partially rehabilitate the image of MNEs investing in developing countries, by demonstrating that—under certain conditions—they could contribute to energy poverty alleviation of local population.},
author = {D'Amelio, Matilde and Garrone, Paola and Piscitello, Lucia},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.06.018},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/D'Amelio, Garrone, Piscitello - 2016 - Can Multinational Enterprises Light up Developing Countries Evidences from the Access to Electric.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Africa,FDI,MNE,electricity infrastructure,institutions},
pages = {12--32},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Can Multinational Enterprises Light up Developing Countries?: Evidences from the Access to Electricity in sub-Saharan Africa}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.06.018},
volume = {88},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Chung2015a,
abstract = {Different from previous studies that tend to use in-house research and development (R{\&}D) as a proxy for absorptive capacity but fail to reveal the origins of this R{\&}D ability, this paper attempts to determine the origin of absorptive capacity (AC) after defining such concept as the capability of a firm to conduct in-house R{\&}D and to generate innovation outcomes. This paper distinguishes three forms of foreign technology acquisitions based on unique data from Korea, namely, know-how-only licensing, know-how-and-patent licensing, and patent-only licensing. An econometric analysis demonstrates that a firm tends to involve know-how licensing before it starts in-house R{\&}D, whereas patent licensing is not significantly related to conducting R{\&}D. Therefore, a substitution effect is found between foreign patent licensing and conducting in-house R{\&}D, which is in contrast to the inducing effect of know-how licensing for in-house R{\&}D. It is also found that conducting in-house R{\&}D, and know-how licensing by a firm, respectively, is significantly related to a generation of innovations or patent applications in next periods. This study shows that a learning process that involves foreign technology, especially tacit knowledge in the form of know-how, occurs before firms can conduct in-house R{\&}D and innovations.},
author = {Chung, Moon Young and Lee, Keun},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.09.010},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Chung, Lee - 2015 - How absorptive capacity is formed in a latecomer economy Different roles of foreign patent and know-how licensing in.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Absorptive capacity,Foreign technology,In-house R{\&}D,Korea,Licensing,Tacit knowledge},
pages = {678--694},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{How absorptive capacity is formed in a latecomer economy: Different roles of foreign patent and know-how licensing in Korea}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.09.010},
volume = {66},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Irsova2013,
abstract = {The voluminous empirical research on horizontal productivity spillovers from foreign investors to domestic firms has yielded mixed results. In this paper we collect 1,205 estimates of spillovers and examine which factors influence spillover magnitude. Our results suggest that horizontal spillovers are on average zero, but that their sign and magnitude depend systematically on the characteristics of the domestic economy and foreign investors. Foreign investors who form joint ventures with domestic firms and who come from countries with a modest technology edge create the largest benefits for the domestic economy. {\textcopyright} 2012 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Ir{\v{s}}ov{\'{a}}, Zuzana and Havr{\'{a}}nek, Tom{\'{a}}{\v{S}}},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2012.07.001},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Ir{\v{s}}ov{\'{a}}, Havr{\'{a}}nek - 2013 - Determinants of Horizontal Spillovers from FDI Evidence from a Large Meta-Analysis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Bayesian model averaging,Determinants,Foreign direct investment,Meta-analysis,Productivity spillovers},
number = {1},
pages = {1--15},
title = {{Determinants of Horizontal Spillovers from FDI: Evidence from a Large Meta-Analysis}},
volume = {42},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Dallas2014,
abstract = {Utilizing Chinese industrial data and detailed transactional trade data, this paper finds two paradoxes. First, the distribution of FDI across value chains in light industries is the opposite of many extant explanations. Second, China's dominance as an exporter is belied by the weaknesses of its domestic firms within the governance of value chains, with important implications for firm upgrading. By analyzing millions of US Customs Bureau trade transactions, the paradoxes are resolved by examining intermediary contractors in East Asian value chains. Even 30 years after reforms began and in the technologically simplest industries, Chinese firms continue to struggle to break through substantial 'contractual' barriers to entry. {\textcopyright} 2013 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Dallas, Mark P.},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.11.015},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Dallas - 2014 - Manufacturing Paradoxes Foreign Ownership, Governance, and Value Chains in China's Light Industries.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {China,East Asia,Foreign direct investment (FDI),Global value chains,Governance,Production networks},
pages = {47--62},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Manufacturing Paradoxes: Foreign Ownership, Governance, and Value Chains in China's Light Industries}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.11.015},
volume = {57},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Amendolagine2013,
abstract = {This paper investigates the determinants of backward linkages of foreign manufacturing firms in 19 Sub-Saharan African countries. We shed light on the micro and macro level factors which contribute to a higher degree of interactions between foreign subsidiaries and local firms. Our results indicate that the time since entry of foreign firms, the presence of a local partner in the ownership structure and a finalmarket orientation are associated with higher local linkages. Finally, we lend further support to the idea that good institutions and in particular a reliable legal system are pre-conditions for boosting the linkages generated by foreign firms. {\textcopyright} 2013 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Amendolagine, Vito and Boly, Amadou and Coniglio, Nicola Daniele and Prota, Francesco and Seric, Adnan},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.05.001},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Amendolagine et al. - 2013 - FDI and Local Linkages in Developing Countries Evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Africa,Backward linkages,Foreign direct investments},
pages = {41--56},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{FDI and Local Linkages in Developing Countries: Evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.05.001},
volume = {50},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Gunby2017,
abstract = {Foreign direct investment (FDI) has been linked to economic growth in a number of countries. Productivity spillovers at the firm level have been identified as a key element in the process by which FDI stimulates economic growth. Moreover, there is evidence of FDI-related productivity spillovers in China. Whether these spillovers have been of sufficient size to affect growth at the aggregate level, however, is an empirical question. We apply meta-analysis to the corresponding empirical literature to find an answer. Our main finding is that the effect of FDI on Chinese economic growth is much smaller than one would expect from a na{\"{i}}ve aggregation of existing estimates. Publication bias and a profusion of estimates based on less preferred study and sample characteristics have served to inflate observed estimates. Once these effects are accounted for, the estimated effect of FDI on Chinese economic growth is reduced to statistical insignificance. This suggests that the cause(s) of the Chinese “economic miracle” likely lie elsewhere.},
author = {Gunby, Philip and Jin, Yinghua and {Robert Reed}, W.},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.10.001},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gunby, Jin, Robert Reed - 2017 - Did FDI Really Cause Chinese Economic Growth A Meta-Analysis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {China,FDI,economic growth,meta-analysis},
pages = {242--255},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Did FDI Really Cause Chinese Economic Growth? A Meta-Analysis}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.10.001},
volume = {90},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Gochoco-Bautista2014,
abstract = {This paper explores the mechanisms through which finance affects corporate investments and capital accumulation. We separate the effects of financial conditions from those of financial development. Based on a sample of firms from five Asian emerging economies, we find that (i) financial conditions affect firms' growth opportunities and investment demand, while financial development primarily affects firms' external financing constraints; (ii) large firms benefit more from improved financial conditions, while small firms benefit more from financial development; and (iii) these effects are asymmetric-in general, stronger when the global financial crisis was unfolding and weaker during the subsequent rebound. {\textcopyright} 2013 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Gochoco-Bautista, Maria Socorro and Sotocinal, Noli R. and Wang, Jianxin},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.11.017},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gochoco-Bautista, Sotocinal, Wang - 2014 - Corporate Investments in Asian Markets Financial Conditions, Financial Development, and Finan.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Asia,Corporate investments,Financial conditions index,Financial constraints,Financial development,Investment sensitivity to cash flow},
number = {2003},
pages = {63--78},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Corporate Investments in Asian Markets: Financial Conditions, Financial Development, and Financial Constraints}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.11.017},
volume = {57},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Colen2016,
abstract = {Developing and transition countries have increasingly engaged in the signing of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in order to attract FDI, based on the widely shared view that FDI can contribute significantly to economic development and poverty reduction. However, the degree to which foreign investments can be expected to generate employment, offer access to international technology and know-how, and ultimately create growth, varies considerably depending on the type of investment. It is therefore important to determine what type of FDI is attracted by BITs. By providing a legal commitment to the fair and equitable treatment of foreign investors, BITs aim to decrease investment risk and to attract foreign investors. We argue that BITs can be expected to be most effective in those sectors of the economy with a larger risk of expropriation, i.e., sectors characterized by large sunk costs, relatively low levels of firm-specific know-how, and in sectors that are politically sensitive to foreign ownership.This paper represents the first attempt to empirically study the heterogeneous effect that BITs may have across different sectors of investments. We analyze investments made in 13 countries in the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe, disaggregated over seven sectors. We indeed find the effect of BITs to differ considerably across sectors of investment. Using capital intensity as a proxy, we confirm that FDI in those sectors with higher sunk costs responds more strongly to the signing of BITs. Given the considerable differences in the development impact that can be expected from FDI in different sectors, it remains to be shown whether BITs are an effective tool to attract those types of investments that are most beneficial for the development of the host economy.},
author = {Colen, Liesbeth and Persyn, Damiaan and Guariso, Andrea},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.01.020},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Colen, Persyn, Guariso - 2016 - Bilateral Investment Treaties and FDI Does the Sector Matter.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Central and Eastern Europe,Foreign direct investment,Investment treaties,Sunk costs},
pages = {193--206},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Bilateral Investment Treaties and FDI: Does the Sector Matter?}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.01.020},
volume = {83},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Cleeve2015,
abstract = {This study assesses the role of human capital (HK) on FDI inflows to sub-Saharan Africa. It uses panel data for the period 1980-2012 to asses if changing skill needs influence FDI inflows. Several measures of HK are used to assess whether the quality of labor explains FDI flows over the study period. Various versions of an FDI model were estimated and the results show that all measures of HK have a significant influence on FDI, as are the traditional variables. There is no evidence of the increasing importance of HK on FDI over time, probably reflecting the type of FDI flowing into SSA.},
author = {Cleeve, Emmanuel A. and Debrah, Yaw and Yiheyis, Zelealem},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.04.003},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Cleeve, Debrah, Yiheyis - 2015 - Human Capital and FDI Inflow An Assessment of the African Case.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Foreign direct investment,Human capital,Skill formation model,Sub-Saharan Africa},
pages = {1--14},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Human Capital and FDI Inflow: An Assessment of the African Case}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.04.003},
volume = {74},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Klein2019,
abstract = {Inward foreign direct investment (FDI) has the potential to be an important conduit for technology transfer to developing countries. However, a large body of empirical research has found that the realized benefit to domestic productivity is minimal. This apparent absence of productivity spillovers from FDI is particularly surprising in light of recent evidence that firms in developing countries exhibit positive productivity convergence, or catch-up, to their industry's productivity frontier. In this paper, I use establishment level panel data from 21 distinct industries within India's manufacturing sector from 2001–2015 to provide new evidence on this issue. I analyze establishment total factor productivity conditional convergence and examine if the presence of foreign owned establishments within each industry's productivity frontier impacts this relationship. While I find statistically and quantitatively significant conditional convergence to the overall frontier, I show that convergence to the foreign owned component of the frontier is markedly slower. I corroborate this finding by exploring the impact of foreign ownership in the frontier on the dynamics of the within industry productivity distribution. This robust result suggests differences in the nature of technology transfer from highly productive domestic and foreign firms. I argue that my general econometric approach helps to reconcile the previously disconnected findings of negligible spillovers from FDI in developing countries with evidence of positive productivity convergence and the substantial presence of foreign firms in the productivity frontier.},
author = {Klein, Michael A.},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.05.025},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Klein - 2019 - Establishment productivity convergence and the effect of foreign ownership at the frontier.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Convergence,Foreign direct investment (FDI),Knowledge spillovers,Total factor productivity (TFP)},
pages = {245--260},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Establishment productivity convergence and the effect of foreign ownership at the frontier}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2019.05.025},
volume = {122},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Elliott2015,
abstract = {This paper examines how wages in China are influenced by the interaction and co-location of firms across geographical space. Specifically, and with an emphasis on globally engaged firms and China's uneven growth across regions we use a spatial econometric approach to estimate the direct and indirect impact of foreign-ownership and export participation on wages. Spatial Durbin Model results reveal an indirect effect of foreign-ownership and exporting on the compensation of workers in co-located firms as well as evidence in support of the standard direct effect that foreign firms, exporters, and firms with a highly educated workforce pay higher wages.},
author = {Elliott, Robert J.R. and Zhou, Ying},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.09.001},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Elliott, Zhou - 2015 - Co-location and spatial wage spillovers in China The role of foreign ownership and trade.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {China,Co-location,FDI,Spatial econometrics,Trade,Wages},
pages = {629--644},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Co-location and spatial wage spillovers in China: The role of foreign ownership and trade}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.09.001},
volume = {66},
year = {2015}
}
@article{Lee2016a,
abstract = {The Aid for Trade (AfT) Initiative was launched in 2005 at the Hong Kong Ministerial Conference where high-income countries pledged to increase their AfT contributions to developing countries. AfT, comprised almost entirely of aid for trade-related infrastructure and building productive capacity, would promote growth by easing supply-side constraints and improving transportation, energy, and communication infrastructure. By lowering costs of operating in recipient countries, AfT may increase both trade and investment. Most research on the effects of AfT on international transactions focuses on trade. The sparse research on investment investigates aid and net foreign direct investment flows based on the international balance of payments. We contribute to the literature by assessing AfT effects on new greenfield investment.Using bilateral data for 25 donor and 120 recipient countries for the period 2003-13, we find that bilateral AfT promotes greenfield investment. Our preferred specification includes bilateral and country-time fixed effects and employs the Poisson Pseudo-Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimator. Robust effects emerge between the top five donors and more developed recipient countries, cases where aid flows are large. Thus, we see evidence that a critical level of aid is required to encourage greenfield investment. Both aid for infrastructure (particularly, transportation and energy) and building productive capacity are found to exert strong effects. To the extent that greenfield investment creates jobs and generates technology transfer, it appears that AfT is accomplishing its development objectives, at least with regard to the more advanced recipient countries.},
author = {Lee, Hyun Hoon and Ries, John},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.03.010},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lee, Ries - 2016 - Aid for Trade and Greenfield Investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Aid for Trade,Greenfield investment},
pages = {206--218},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Aid for Trade and Greenfield Investment}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.03.010},
volume = {84},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Fu2018,
abstract = {This study investigates the impact of outward direct investment (ODI) by Chinese MNEs on innovation performance and the conditions under which such an impact is moderated, based on a sample of Chinese firms. The empirical evidence suggests that undertaking ODI leads to an increase in the innovation performance of these Chinese firms. The impact of ODI on innovation is contingent on firm characteristics such as in-house R{\&}D, strategic orientation, and international experiences as well as contextual factors associated with investment destinations and industry contexts. We also find that learning through ODI is a complex process. There is a substitution between ODI and in-house R{\&}D in Chinese MNEs. Our findings suggest that conducting ODI in developed countries serves as an effective channel for latecomer firms to overcome internal resource constraints and leapfrog toward the technology frontier.},
author = {Fu, Xiaolan and Hou, Jun and Liu, Xiaohui},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.09.021},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Fu, Hou, Liu - 2018 - Unpacking the Relationship between Outward Direct Investment and Innovation Performance Evidence from Chinese firm.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Chinese MNEs,ODI in developed countries,innovation performance,learning},
pages = {111--123},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Unpacking the Relationship between Outward Direct Investment and Innovation Performance: Evidence from Chinese firms}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.09.021},
volume = {102},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Gertz2018a,
abstract = {Empirical research on the impact of investment treaties has focused almost exclusively on their effect on foreign investment, with mixed results. Yet, another important promise of the treaties has been ignored altogether. Architects of the investment treaty regime, as well as many current proponents, have suggested that the treaties allow developing countries to de-politicize investor-state disputes; i.e. shield commercial disputes from broader political and diplomatic considerations with developed states. While this argument is widely accepted by legal scholars and practitioners and explicitly promoted by capital-exporting states, it has never been subjected to empirical investigation. We provide the first such test, using an original dataset of US diplomatic actions in 219 individual investment disputes across 73 countries as well as detailed case studies drawing on internal US State Department diplomatic cables. We find no evidence for the de-politicization hypothesis: diplomatic engagement remains important for investor-state dispute settlement, and the US government is just as likely to intervene in developing countries that have ratified investment treaties with the US as those that have not. Coercive American intervention in investment disputes is rare, but this is a general feature of American investment diplomacy after the Cold War, rather than one limited to investors with recourse to legalized dispute settlement procedures. These findings provide a critical corrective to our understanding of the investment treaty regime, and have important implications for understanding the effects of international legalization on developing countries.},
author = {Gertz, Geoffrey and Jandhyala, Srividya and Poulsen, Lauge N.Skovgaard},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.02.023},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Gertz, Jandhyala, Poulsen - 2018 - Legalization, diplomacy, and development Do investment treaties de-politicize investment disputes.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {Diplomacy,Foreign investment,Investment treaties,Investor-state disputes,Legalization,Multinational corporations},
pages = {239--252},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Legalization, diplomacy, and development: Do investment treaties de-politicize investment disputes?}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2018.02.023},
volume = {107},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Lazzarini2014,
abstract = {Defendants of state-owned development banks emphasize their role in reducing capital constraints and fostering productive investment; detractors point out that they may benefit politically connected capitalists or bail out inefficient firms. We study the effect of loans and equity investments of the Brazilian National Development Bank (BNDES) and find that they do not have any consistent effect on firm-level performance and investment, except for a reduction in financial expenditures due to the subsidies accompanying loans. However, BNDES does not systematically lend to underperforming firms. Our results indicate that BNDES subsidizes firms that could fund their projects with other sources of capital.},
author = {Lazzarini, Sergio G. and Musacchio, Aldo and Bandeira-de-Mello, Rodrigo and Marcon, Rosilene},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.08.016},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Lazzarini et al. - 2014 - What do state-owned development banks do Evidence from BNDES, 2002-09.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {BNDES,Development banks,Industrial policy,Political connections,State-owned banks},
pages = {237--253},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{What do state-owned development banks do? Evidence from BNDES, 2002-09}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.08.016},
volume = {66},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Garg2014,
abstract = {This paper analyzes the macroeconomic determinants of portfolio flows to India and finds that lower exchange rate volatility and greater risk diversification opportunities are conducive to portfolio flows. However, higher equity returns of other emerging markets discourage these flows. Other conventional determinants of portfolio flows are domestic equity performance, exchange rate, interest rate differential and domestic output growth. An analysis of disaggregated portfolio flows shows that determinants of FIIs are similar to aggregate portfolio flows, while ADR/GDRs are significantly influenced only by domestic equity returns, exchange rate, domestic output growth, and foreign output growth. {\textcopyright} 2014 Elsevier Ltd.},
author = {Garg, Reetika and Dua, Pami},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.01.030},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Garg, Dua - 2014 - Foreign Portfolio Investment Flows to India Determinants and Analysis.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0305750X},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {ADR/GDRs,ARDL model,FII,FPI},
pages = {16--28},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Foreign Portfolio Investment Flows to India: Determinants and Analysis}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.01.030},
volume = {59},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Beladi2016a,
abstract = {Available evidence, though limited to the organized sector only, suggests that FDI flowing in with MNE activities or direct FIIs generate technological and market access spillovers for firms outside the core group in destination countries. We investigate the organizational link between formal and informal sectors in India and argue that the spread of internationalization is more when production outsourcing prevails between such units. Higher wage in the organized sector is a factor that breaks standard institutional barriers leading to outsourcing of production to informal units. The evidence is puzzling to the extent that foreign capital and better know-how as drivers of international business to developing countries usually relax the credit constraint facing formal sector units at the destination and cause expansion of formal units. Using a measure of technology and a panel data for a large number of industrial units in India, we show that FDI transmitted through technology spillover leads to significant increase in the gross value added for several industries located in the informal sector. The paper points out that production re-organization associated with international capital movements should provide additional insights for standard measures of internationalization of production and services.},
author = {Beladi, Hamid and Dutta, Meghna and Kar, Saibal},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.01.006},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Beladi, Dutta, Kar - 2016 - FDI and Business Internationalization of the Unorganized Sector Evidence from Indian Manufacturing.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {FDI,India,Organized firms,Outsourcing,Technology},
pages = {340--349},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{FDI and Business Internationalization of the Unorganized Sector: Evidence from Indian Manufacturing}},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2016.01.006},
volume = {83},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Webster2018,
abstract = {An extensive literature exists on the adverse effects of corruption on inward FDI and the impact this may have on economic development but the reverse causality has not been fully explored. Legislation in the US and the EU prohibits firms from engaging in corrupt practices in foreign countries and this suggests that foreign-owned firms might be less likely to pay bribes. However, such legislation may be ineffective because foreign firms have to adapt to local market conditions or risk being uncompetitive. Using firm-level data for 41 emerging countries, a probit model estimates the probability that a firm pays bribes. To allow for possible endogeneity this probit analysis is repeated with an instrument to proxy for endogenous foreign ownership. Then, a propensity score matching technique tests for differences in the propensity to pay bribes by domestic and foreign firms. The paper finds no difference in the behavior of foreign-owned and domestic firms with respect to corrupt practices. Results are robust to different levels of foreign ownership and support the view that foreign-owned firms adapt to local practices and are neither more nor less likely to pay bribes than comparable domestic firms. The paper finds that other variables including bureaucracy, government contracts, and perceived difficulties with civil society (legal and political) do have statistically significant effects on increasing bribery and that some others, such as per capita GDP, tend to reduce bribery. The study concludes that there is no evidence that foreign ownership, after investment has occurred, tends to reduce bribery but it does support the view that foreign-owned firms adopt local behavioral norms.},
author = {Webster, Allan and Piesse, Jenifer},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.08.007},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Webster, Piesse - 2018 - Are Foreign-Owned Firms More Likely to Pay Bribes than Domestic Ones Evidence from Emerging Markets.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {corruption,emerging markets,inward FDI,propensity score matching},
pages = {142--161},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Are Foreign-Owned Firms More Likely to Pay Bribes than Domestic Ones? Evidence from Emerging Markets}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.08.007},
volume = {101},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Vadlamannati2018a,
abstract = {Do public condemnations by the United Nations human rights bodies lead to foreign direct investment (FDI) loss for abusive regimes? The Human Rights Commission and later Council (UNHRCC) are internationally legitimized tools where member states shame repressive regimes for human rights violations in public resolutions. We argue that these resolutions can influence foreign investors in two main ways: (1) They signal that a state is an outcast, unable to secure alliances within the UN human rights bodies that protect it from being publicly shamed, with negative consequences for investment attractiveness (‘outcast' effect). (2) They signal that a state is one of the most rogue, severe human rights violators because voting members of the UNHRCC may be aware of many human rights violations, but they pass resolutions only in the harshest cases (‘bottleneck' effect). Any MNC associated with such a country risks severe reputational damage. Results from a panel data analysis of 165 countries (1977–2013) confirm that UNHRCC condemnations deter FDI. This effect is amplified by media reporting of human rights abuse, and stronger and more robust than a bad human rights record of a state itself. NGO shaming and milder UNHRCC sanctions (which do not reach resolution stage) have less strong effects, although the result on NGO shaming is to be seen with caution due to a reduced sample size.},
author = {Vadlamannati, Krishna Chaitanya and Janz, Nicole and Berntsen, {\O}yvind Isachsen},
doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.11.014},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Vadlamannati, Janz, Berntsen - 2018 - Human Rights Shaming and FDI Effects of the UN Human Rights Commission and Council.pdf:pdf},
issn = {18735991},
journal = {World Development},
keywords = {FDI,Human rights,Naming and shaming,Spotlight effect,UN Human Rights Commission and Council},
pages = {222--237},
publisher = {Elsevier Ltd},
title = {{Human Rights Shaming and FDI: Effects of the UN Human Rights Commission and Council}},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.11.014},
volume = {104},
year = {2018}
}
@article{Feldmann2019,
abstract = {This article analyzes the prospects for globalizing the varieties of capitalism ( v o c ) debate. It identifies and compares firm-centered, governance-centered, and state-centered approaches to extending the debate on capitalist diversity, and discusses the distinctive contributions of each approach as well as the trade-offs between them. The author draws on three agenda-setting volumes that engage with the v o c framework and study capitalist diversity in three regions not usually covered by this literature: Latin America, East and Southeast Asia, and East Central Europe. As these regions play an increasingly important role in the world economy, this article examines what the books imply about the current state of knowledge about global v o c . The author argues that the extension of the v o c debate to these parts of the world is important for advancing the understanding of economic institutions; the approach can reinvigorate research on capitalist diversity and the institutional foundations of economic development in the current era of globalization.},
author = {Feldmann, Magnus},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887118000230},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Feldmann - 2019 - Global Varieties of Capitalism.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0043887118000},
issn = {0043-8871},
journal = {World Politics},
keywords = {East Asia,Eastern Europe,Latin America,global capitalism,institutional analysis,market institutions,political economy of development,varieties of capitalism},
month = {jan},
number = {1},
pages = {162--196},
title = {{Global Varieties of Capitalism}},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0043887118000230/type/journal{\_}article},
volume = {71},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Drezner2014,
abstract = {Prior to 2008, numerous international relations scholars had predicted a looming crisis in global economic governance. Policy analysts have only reinforced this perception since the financial crisis, declaring that we live in a "G-Zero" world. This article takes a closer look at the global response to the financial crisis and reveals a more optimistic picture. Despite initial shocks that were more severe than the 1929 financial crisis, global economic governance structures responded quickly and robustly. Whether one measures results by outcomes, outputs, or process, formal and informal governance structures displayed surprising resiliency. Multilateral economic institutions performed well in crisis situations to reinforce open economic policies, especially in contrast to the 1930s. While there are areas where governance has either faltered or failed, on the whole, the system has worked. Misperceptions about global economic governance persist because the Great Recession has disproportionately affected the core economies; analysts have conflated national with global governance; and the efficacy of past periods of global economic governance has been badly overestimated. Why the system has worked better than expected remains an open question, but we can tentatively conclude that both the power of the United States and the resilience of neoliberal economic ideas were underestimated. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2014 Trustees of Princeton University.},
author = {Drezner, Daniel W.},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887113000348},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Drezner - 2014 - The system worked Global economic governance during the great recession.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00438871},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {123--164},
title = {{The system worked: Global economic governance during the great recession}},
volume = {66},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Doner2016,
abstract = {Economists have identified the existence of a middle-income (MI) trap but have yet to analyze the politics of this trap. The authors argue that countries in the MI trap face two major institutional and political challenges. First, the policies necessary to upgrade productivity-as in human capital and innovation-require enormous investment in institutional capacity. Second, these institutional challenges come at a time when political capacity for building these institutions is weak, due primarily to the fragmentation of potential support coalitions. Politics are stalled in particular by fractured social groups, especially business and labor, and more generally by inequality. These conditions result in large measure from previous trajectories of growth. The empirical analysis concentrates on nine of the larger MI countries.},
author = {Doner, Richard F. and Schneider, Ben Ross},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887116000095},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Doner, Schneider - 2016 - The Middle-Income Trap(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {10863338},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {608--644},
title = {{The Middle-Income Trap}},
volume = {68},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Hope2019,
abstract = {The transition from Fordism to the knowledge economy in the world's advanced democracies was underpinned by the revolution in information and communications technology (ict). The introduction and rapid diffusion of ict pushed up wages for college-educated workers with complementary skills and allowed top managers and CEOs to reap greater rewards for their own talents. Despite these common pressures, income inequality did not rise to the same extent everywhere; income in the Anglo-Saxon countries remains particularly unequally distributed. To shed new light on this puzzle, the authors carry out a panel data analysis of eighteen oecd countries between 1970 and 2007. Their analysis stands apart from the existing empirical literature by taking a comparative perspective. The article examines the extent to which the relationship between the knowledge economy and income inequality is influenced by national labor market institutions. The authors find that the expansion of knowledge employment is positively associated with both the 90/10 wage ratio and the income share of the top 1 percent, but that these effects are mitigated by the presence of strong labor market institutions, such as coordinated wage bargaining, strict employment protection legislation, high union density, and high collective bargaining coverage. The authors provide robust evidence against the argument that industrial relations systems are no longer important safeguards of wage solidarity in the knowledge economy.},
author = {Hope, David and Martelli, Angelo},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887118000333},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hope, Martelli - 2019 - The Transition to the Knowledge Economy, Labor Market Institutions, and Income Inequality in Advanced Democracie.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {0043887118000},
issn = {10863338},
journal = {World Politics},
keywords = {income inequality,industrial relations,information and communications technology,knowledge economy,labor market institutions,sict,technological change,wage inequality},
number = {2},
pages = {236--288},
title = {{The Transition to the Knowledge Economy, Labor Market Institutions, and Income Inequality in Advanced Democracies}},
volume = {71},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Buthe2014,
abstract = {International trade agreements lead to more foreign direct investment (FDI) in developing countries. This article examines the causal mechanisms underpinning this trade-investment linkage by asking whether institutional features of preferential trade agreements (PTAs), which allow governments to make more credible commitments to protect foreign investments, indeed result in greater FDI. The authors explore three institutional differences. First, they examine whether PTAs that have entered into force lead to greater FDI than PTAs that have merely been negotiated and signed, since only the former constitute a binding commitment under international law. Second, they ask whether trade agreements that have investment clauses lead to greater FDI. Third, they consider whether PTAs with dispute-settlement mechanisms lead to greater FDI. Analyses of FDI flows into 122 developing countries from 1971 to 2007 show that trade agreements that include stronger mechanisms for credible commitment induce more FDI. Institutional diversity in international agreements matters. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2014 Trustees of Princeton University.},
author = {B{\"{u}}the, Tim and Milner, Helen V.},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887113000336},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{u}}the, Milner - 2014 - Foreign direct investment and institutional diversity in trade agreements Credibility, commitment, and econom(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/B{\"{u}}the, Milner - 2014 - Foreign direct investment and institutional diversity in trade agreements Credibility, commitment, and economic.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00438871},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {88--122},
title = {{Foreign direct investment and institutional diversity in trade agreements: Credibility, commitment, and economic flows in the developing world, 1971-2007}},
volume = {66},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Betz2019,
abstract = {How do firms protect themselves against infringements of their property rights by their own government? The authors develop a theory based on international law and joint asset ownership with foreign firms. Investment agreements protect the assets of foreign firms but are not available to domestic firms. This segmentation of the property rights environment creates a rationale for international financial relationships between firms. By forming financial relationships with foreign firms, domestic firms gain indirect coverage from the property rights available to foreign firms under investment agreements. If a government is less likely to violate the property rights of covered foreign firms, it is also less likely to violate property rights for assets held jointly by domestic and foreign firms. This article presents systematic evidence from data on the activities of firms in countries that have investment agreements with the United States. International financial relationships between firms, through mergers and acquisitions as well as through bond and equity issues, are more common where property rights are weak. The theory suggests a political logic to the fragmentation of firm-ownership stakes across jurisdictions, offers an institutional explanation of international financial flows, and identifies new distributional consequences of international law.},
author = {Betz, Timm and Pond, Amy},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887119000017},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Betz, Pond - 2019 - Foreign Financing and the International Sources of Property Rights.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Betz, Pond - 2019 - Foreign Financing and the International Sources of Property Rights(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {10863338},
journal = {World Politics},
keywords = {,Key Wordsforeign direct investment,globalization,international finance,international investment agreements,international political economy,investor-state dispute settlement,mergers and acquisitions,political risk,property rights,stock and bond issues},
number = {3},
pages = {503--541},
title = {{Foreign Financing and the International Sources of Property Rights}},
volume = {71},
year = {2019}
}
@article{Allee2014a,
abstract = {Although many features of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) are consistent from one agreement to the next, a closer look reveals that the treaties exhibit considerable variation in terms of their enforcement provisions, which legal scholars have singled out as the central component of the treaties. An original data set is compiled that captures three important treaty-design differences: whether the parties consent in advance to international arbitration, whether they allow treaty obligations to be enforced before an institutionalized arbitration body, and how many arbitration options are specified for enforcement. Drawing upon several relevant literatures on international institutions, three potentially generalizable explanations for this important treaty variation are articulated and tested. The strongest support is found for the theoretical perspective that emphasizes the bargaining power and preferences of capital-exporting states, which use the treaties to codify strong, credible investor protections in all their treaties. Empirical tests consistently reveal that treaties contain strong enforcement provisions - in which the parties preconsent to multiple, often institutionalized arbitration options - when the capital-exporting treaty partner has considerable bargaining power and contains domestic actors that prefer such arrangements, such as large multinational corporations or right-wing governments. In contrast, there is no evidence to support the popular hands-tying explanation, which predicts that investment-seeking states with the most severe credibility problems, due to poor reputations or weak domestic institutions, will bind themselves to treaties with stronger investment protections. likewise, little support is found for explanations derived from the project on the rational design of international institutions, which discounts the identities and preferences of the treaty partners and instead emphasizes the structural conditions they jointly face. In sum, this foundational study of differences across investment treaties suggests that the design of treaties is driven by powerful states, which include elements in the treaties that serve their interests, regardless of the treaty partner or the current strategic setting. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2014 Trustees of Princeton University.},
author = {Allee, Todd and Peinhardt, Clint},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887113000324},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Allee, Peinhardt - 2014 - Evaluating three explanations for the design of bilateral investment treaties.pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Allee, Peinhardt - 2014 - Evaluating three explanations for the design of bilateral investment treaties(2).pdf:pdf},
issn = {00438871},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {47--87},
title = {{Evaluating three explanations for the design of bilateral investment treaties}},
volume = {66},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Simmons2014,
abstract = {The regime for international investment is extraordinary in public international law and controversial in many regions of the world. This article explores two aspects of this set of rules: its decentralization and the unusual powers it gives to private actors to invoke dispute settlement. Decentralization has contributed to a competitive environment for ratification of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and has elevated the importance of dyadic bargaining power in the formation of the regime. Governments of developing countries are more likely to enter into BITs and tie their hands more tightly when they are in a weak bargaining position, which in turn is associated with economic downturns of the domestic economy. Once committed, investors have sued governments with surprising regularity, arguably contributing disproportionately to legal awards that favor the private corporate actors who have the power to convene the dispute settlement system. States have begun to push back, revising their obligations and attempting to annul arbitral awards. One of the conclusions is that it is important not only to consider whether BITs attract capital - which has been the focus of nearly all the empirical research on BIT effects - but also to investigate the governance consequences of the international investment regime generally. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2014 Trustees of Princeton University.},
author = {Simmons, Beth A.},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887113000312},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Simmons - 2014 - Bargaining over BITs, arbitrating awards The regime for protection and promotion of international investment(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Simmons - 2014 - Bargaining over BITs, arbitrating awards The regime for protection and promotion of international investment(3).pdf:pdf},
issn = {00438871},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {12--16},
title = {{Bargaining over BITs, arbitrating awards: The regime for protection and promotion of international investment}},
volume = {66},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Hafner-Burton2016,
abstract = {There is heated debate over the wisdom and effect of secrecy in international negotiations. This debate has become central to the process of foreign investment arbitration because parties to disputes nearly always can choose to hide arbitral outcomes from public view. Working with a new database of disputes at the world's largest investor-state arbitral institution, the World Bank's International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, the authors examine the incentives of firms and governments to keep the details of their disputes secret. The authors argue that secrecy in the context of investment arbitration works like a flexibility-enhancing device, similar to the way escape clauses function in the context of international trade. To attract and preserve investment, governments make contractual and treaty-based promises to submit to binding arbitration in the event of a dispute. They may prefer secrecy in cases when they are under strong political pressure to adopt policies that violate international legal norms designed to protect investor interests. Investors favor secrecy when managing politically sensitive disputes over assets they will continue to own and manage in host countries long after the particular dispute has passed. Although governments prefer secrecy to help facilitate politically difficult bargaining, secrecy diminishes one of the central purposes of arbitration: to allow governments to signal publicly their general commitment to investor-friendly policies. Understanding the incentives for keeping the details of dispute resolution secret may help future scholars explain more accurately the observed patterns of wins and losses from investor-state arbitration as well as patterns of investment.},
author = {Hafner-Burton, Emilie M. and Steinert-Threlkeld, Zachary C. and Victor, David G.},
doi = {10.1017/S004388711600006X},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hafner-Burton, Steinert-Threlkeld, Victor - 2016 - Predictability versus flexibility Secrecy in international investment arbitration(2).pdf:pdf;:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Hafner-Burton, Steinert-Threlkeld, Victor - 2016 - Predictability versus flexibility Secrecy in international investment arbitration.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10863338},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {3},
pages = {413--453},
title = {{Predictability versus flexibility: Secrecy in international investment arbitration}},
volume = {68},
year = {2016}
}
@article{Milner2014,
abstract = {The world economy has maintained or enhanced its integration in the past decade even in the face of the global financial crisis. A large part of this globalization has been driven by capital flows. This symposium focuses on one element of these capital flows, foreign direct investment (FDI), and on the regime in place to safeguard and promote such investments around the globe 1. The articles by Allee and Peinhardt and Simmons focus on the nature and evolution of the bilateral investment treaties (BITs) that have been developed to protect such investments and that have proliferated since the 1990s. The final article, by B{\"{u}}the and Milner, turns its attention to the ways in which international trade agreements affect FDI. The comparison between the investment and trade agreements is instructive, since they seem to have different effects. FDI has become one of the most important economic flows in the global economy. It is a critical source of capital for developing countries and remains a significant source of investment in the developed world. FDI has grown in part because countries changed their policies toward it dramatically after the 1980s; governments in developing countries made unilateral policy changes that opened up markets across the globe and increased competition among countries for FDI. Copyright {\textcopyright} 2014 Trustees of Princeton University.},
author = {Milner, Helen V.},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887113000300},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Milner - 2014 - Introduction The global economy, FDI, and the regime for investment.pdf:pdf},
issn = {00438871},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {1--11},
title = {{Introduction: The global economy, FDI, and the regime for investment}},
volume = {66},
year = {2014}
}
@article{Markus2012b,
author = {Markus, Stanislav},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Markus - 2012 - Secure Property as a Bottom-Up Process Firms, Stakeholders, and Predators in Weak States.pdf:pdf},
journal = {World Politics},
pages = {242--277},
title = {{Secure Property as a Bottom-Up Process: Firms, Stakeholders, and Predators in Weak States}},
volume = {64},
year = {2012}
}
@article{Mansfield2013,
abstract = {Economists have argued that outsourcing is another form of international trade. However, based on a representative national survey of Americans conducted in 2007 and 2009, the distribution of preferences on these two issues appears to be quite different. This article examines the origins of attitudes toward outsourcing, focusing on the extent to which it reflects (1) the economic vulnerabilities of individuals; (2) the information they receive about outsourcing, including their subjective understanding of what constitutes outsourcing; and (3) noneconomic attitudes toward foreign people and foreign countries. The findings emphasize the importance of variations in understandings of the term, as well as the highly symbolic nature of attitudes toward this issue. Individuals who believe the US should distance itself from international affairs more generally, who are nationalistic, or who feel that members of other ethnic and racial groups within the US are less praiseworthy than their own group tend to have particularly hostile reactions to outsourcing. The informational cues people receive are also important influences on their understanding of and attitudes toward outsourcing. Experimental results further emphasize the symbolic nature of attitudes toward outsourcing. Taken together, the results strongly suggest that attitudes are shaped less by the economic consequences of outsourcing than by a sense of us versus them. {\textcopyright} Trustees of Princeton University 2013.},
author = {Mansfield, Edward D. and Mutz, Diana C.},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887113000191},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Mansfield, Mutz - 2013 - US versus them Mass attitudes toward offshore outsourcing.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10863338},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {4},
pages = {571--608},
title = {{US versus them: Mass attitudes toward offshore outsourcing}},
volume = {65},
year = {2013}
}
@article{Osgood2017,
abstract = {This article documents systematic deviations from standard models of trade politics, each of which has the effect of undermining sustained efforts at coherent industrial opposition to trade. Industries have internal disagreements about liberalization, support for trade liberalization extends bilaterally across borders in the same industry, and comparative disadvantage industries feature convincing expressions of public support for liberalization. These surprising outcomes are explained by a model of trade politics that emphasizes three factors: firm heterogeneity in export performance, product differentiation, and reciprocal liberalization. The author uses a new data set of industry attitudes about fifteen US trade agreements to show that product differentiation is strongly correlated with these outcomes, even conditional on plausible alternatives. The author concludes that public position-taking and lobbying on trade politics have been fundamentally altered by the rise of product variety; trade's opponents and indifferents have been overwhelmed by pro-globalization firms breaking out to support trade on their own.},
author = {Osgood, Iain},
doi = {10.1017/S0043887116000174},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Osgood - 2017 - The Breakdown of Industrial Opposition to Trade Firms, Product Variety, and Reciprocal Liberalization.pdf:pdf},
issn = {10863338},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {1},
pages = {184--231},
title = {{The Breakdown of Industrial Opposition to Trade Firms, Product Variety, and Reciprocal Liberalization}},
volume = {69},
year = {2017}
}
@article{Poulsen2013,
abstract = { Using the international investment regime as its point of departure, the article applies notions of bounded rationality to the study of economic diplomacy. Through a multimethod approach, it shows that developing countries often ignored the risks of bilateral investment treaties ( bit s) until they themselves became subject to an investment treaty claim. Thus the behavior of developing country governments with regard to the international investment regime is consistent with that routinely observed for individuals in experiments and field studies: they tend to ignore high-impact, low-probability risks if they cannot bring specific “vivid” instances to mind. },
author = {Poulsen, Lauge N. Skovgaard and Aisbett, Emma},
doi = {10.1017/s0043887113000063},
file = {:Users/rw23826/Library/Application Support/Mendeley Desktop/Downloaded/Poulsen, Aisbett - 2013 - When the Claim Hits Bilateral Investment Treaties and Bounded Rational Learning.pdf:pdf},
issn = {0043-8871},
journal = {World Politics},
number = {2},
pages = {273--313},
title = {{When the Claim Hits: Bilateral Investment Treaties and Bounded Rational Learning}},
volume = {65},
year = {2013}
}